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This thesis analyses the political framing employed by the two governments during the initial phase of Sweden’s NATO-accession process, focusing on security-policy narratives and legitimacy. It includes a comparative aspect that addresses specific time periods within the tenure of two prime ministers: Magdalena Andersson (S) and Ulf Kristersson (M), by examining the governments official statements and speeches regarding Sweden´s foreign policy. The analysis implements framing theory by Arjen Boin and Yihong Liu. Both governments started from the same premise: Russia’s actions created a significantly less secure reality for Sweden and undermined Europe’s security order. The Nato application is viewed as a response to this, aimed at securing security guarantees for Sweden. However, how the two governments framed the application afterwards differs and the analysis identifies a key transition in the framing of the Nato-membership. Andersson’s government relied on a strongly emotional framing shaped to evoke emotions of solidarity, shared values with the West, moral duty, identity and fear. Their rhetoric was most striking when emphasizing severity, highlighting democratic values, belonging with likeminded Nato-allies. Using vivid language about war crimes in Ukraine and humanitarian consequences. Emphasizing Swedish gains of a membership and abandonment of the policy of non-alignment, primarily addressing the Swedish public as audience. 

While still recognizing the importance of shared values Kristersson’s government, by contrast, employed a more two-dimensional framing. One of which also emotionally driven but rather intended to invoke emotions which emphasized duty, willingness/readiness to defend, individual responsibility and sacrifice. Primarily addressing the Swedish public as audience. The second more pragmatic and technocratic dimension stresses Sweden’s strengths, capabilities and compatibility as a future Nato-member. While still aiming to strengthen Sweden's defence capacity this practical framing underscores Sweden’s potential contributions to the alliance such as military, industrial, technological advantages and strategic among others. This government not only argued for the potential benefits Sweden would gain from a membership but also emphasized, more than the previous government, what the alliance itself would gain from Sweden joining. This dimension was primarily directed towards Nato-states and other external actors.

Among other aspects, the findings highlight how Swedish security discourse evolved and underscore that defence and security policy is not only a matter of military strategy but also one of narrative control and political legitimacy.