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This study examines the Quran burnings that took place in Sweden during 2022 and 2023, and the political framing related to these events. The study investigates and analyzes how the three political actors—the Social Democrats, the Moderates, and the Sweden Democrats—framed the issue of the Quran burnings. The study employs theoretical concepts of framing and is a qualitative text analysis. It is structured as a thematic analysis, where the identified themes constitute the political actors' framings. Material from speeches and social media, among other sources, has been collected and utilized in the study.

This paper studies the relationship between the European Union and Ukraine from the theoretical framework of shelter theory, developed by scholar Baldur Thorhallsson. European shelter measures are identified, and categorized as either political, economic or societal. EU shelter to Ukraine, both today and before the 2022 invasion, are then discussed to contribute to wider conversations regarding the EUs supposed 'geopolitical transformation after the 2022 invasion.

Large scale disasters worldwide require to be handled effectively by all actors involved. This qualitative study focuses on leadership and its importance for the development of swift trustin crisis and disaster coordination teams. The aim is to understand more deeply favourable and unfavourable leadership behaviors that can be identified for the development of swift trust in civil missions and to highlight the impact leadership could have on teams in terms of wellbeing and effectiveness. Ten informants with extensive experience in international disaster response and coordination have participated in the study. Favourable as well as unfavourable behaviors for establishing swift trust has been identified by semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis method. The study concludes that the result could be connected with leadership behavior theories in Full range leadership model but that it is a challenge to identify behaviors in isolation from individual and organizational factors. There is still a need for more studies in the context of civil crisis and disaster coordination to be able to understand more deeply connections between leadership, effectiveness and well-being in teams and the possible connection to trust building within teams as well as with other collaborating partners.

The practice of mission command is a central issue in all western armed forces conducting manoeuvre warfare. Mission command is a command philosophy based on decentralized execution of missions. This requires initiative, mutual understanding and trust from commanders in all levels.The practice is sad to be all-encompassing, but few studies has been made on how the practice is expressed or compatible to support functions within armed brigades.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how a Swedish brigades signals company performs missioncommand. To this end, six qualitative interviews with commander on different levels and positions has been executed and analysed through Nilssons (2020) theoretical framework about the enablers of mission command.

The results show that decentralized mission command is used but with restrains depending on if it effects the operation of communications systems or not. The operation of communication systems is highly regulated with directive orders. But in all other activity outside the restrains of communication systems, subordinates have the freedom to plan and execute order after their own plan. Since there is both a centralized and decentralized command structure at work simultaneously these seem to influence the subordinate´s willingness to take initiative and decisive decision making.

Growing polarization among the US electorate has in recent years attracted considerable attention from academic and non-academic observers. This paper examines some of the ways in which polarization affects US foreign and security policy in the post-Trump era. In particular, the paper offers an account of why bipartisan agreement over the so-called “rise of China” has prevailed in the face of powerful trends towards increased polarization, while domestic opinions over US aid to Ukraine have become much more contested. Drawing on a constructivist understanding of foreign policy as performative of a certain vision of the domestic self, this paper shows how US aid to Ukraine has become entangled with competing visions of the US, while domestic opinions of China have remained stable. While such a constructivist understanding does not necessarily challenge rationalist accounts, it is helpful in unravelling the link between national identity, domestic polarization, and foreign policy.

Donald Trump's capture of the Republican Party enabled a radical questioning of received wisdom within the broader conservative intellectual movement. In particular, it enabled the emergence of a post-Trump, distinctly American New Right. This policy paper examines the American New Right and its visions for United States foreign policy.In the context of contemporary American politics, the New Right is best understood as a rejection of the ‘fusionism’ that has characterized US conservatism since the early decades after the Second World War. The paper argues that there are three major identifiable parts of the New Right: the Claremonters, the post-liberals and the national conservatives. In part because of their ‘big-tent’ character, as well as deft intellectual leadership by Yoram Hazony, the national conservatives have become the most influential group within the contemporary New Right. The article also examines how the New Right has attempted to create an alternative ideational infrastructure, with a clear focus on entrenching itself through large-scale credentialing of personnel deemed to be loyal to the New Right's agenda. There is reason to speak of a ‘natcon takeover’ of traditional conservative institutions. This is particularly the case with the Heritage Foundation, the largest and most influential conservative think tank. While all segments of the New Right ostensibly embrace some notion of grand strategic restraint, the policy paper argues that the rise of national conservatism is likely to accelerate the US pivot from Europe to Asia rather than lead to neo-isolationism, as is sometimes suggested.