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  • 1.
    Heydarian Pashakhanlou, Arash
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    Air Power in Humanitarian Intervention: Kosovo and Libya in Comparative Perspective2018In: Defence Studies, ISSN 1470-2436, E-ISSN 1743-9698, Vol. 18, no 1, p. 39-57Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    It would be hard to overstate the importance of air power in humanitarian intervention (HI) and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Yet, the role of air power in HI and R2P has been understudied. This article seeks to remedy the lack of systematic investigation. It does so by developing a framework for assessing the effectiveness of air power during military operations in HI and R2P and applies it to NATO’s air campaigns in Kosovo (Operation Allied Force) and Libya (Operation Unified Protector). Upon examination NATO is revealed to have fared better in Libya than Kosovo in positively accomplishing its stated humanitarian objectives, minimizing collateral damage and reducing the costs for the interveners, all of which are aspects considered by the model. The relative effectiveness of Operations Unified Protector is generally attributed to geography, diplomacy and technology. It is argued that better ground support, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and burden sharing are needed to enhance the utility of air power in HI and R2P even further.

  • 2.
    Heydarian Pashakhanlou, Arash
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    Decapitation in Libya: Winning the Conflict and Losing the Peace2017In: The Washington quarterly, ISSN 0163-660X, E-ISSN 1530-9177, Vol. 40, no 4, p. 135-149Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 3.
    Heydarian Pashakhanlou, Arash
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    Fully integrated content analysis in international relations2017In: International Relations, ISSN 0047-1178, E-ISSN 1741-2862, Vol. 31, no 4, p. 447-465Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Content analysis has once again come to the forefront of discussions regarding methods in International Relations (IR). The first wave of content analysis in IR lasted from the 1940s to the 1960s and was marked by a commitment to quantitative and manual analyses. The second wave of content analysis appeared around the third millennium and continues to pervade the discipline also proceeds in a predominantly quantitative manner but emphasizes computer-assisted analysis rather than manual analysis. Critics and advocates of the method alike have, highlighted numerous shortcomings with these approaches. In order to address these limitations, the present investigation argues for a fully integrated content analysis that has the potential to ameliorate the identified weaknesses that have hitherto plagued the method. It accomplishes this task by combining all facets of the method: quantitative, qualitative, manual, and computer-assisted content analyses within a single research project.

  • 4.
    Heydarian Pashakhanlou, Arash
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    Intelligence and Diplomacy in the Security Dilemma: Gauging Capabilities and Intentions2018In: International Politics, ISSN 1384-5748, E-ISSN 1740-3898, Vol. 55, no 5, p. 519-536Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Determining whether the opposition is benign or malign is central to the security dilemma. In this context, states have to decide whether the military capabilities of others are for defensive or offensive purposes. Despite the importance of this issue, states’ use of intelligence and diplomacy to gauge others’ capabilities and intentions and its implications for exacerbating, ameliorating and escaping the security dilemma have hardly been addressed. The few who have engaged with the topic have only done so superficially. This article engages with the subject matter at length and argues that both intelligence and diplomacy are double-edged swords in the security dilemma. Intelligence is particularly useful in attaining information regarding the capabilities of others and diplomacy is of great value in acquiring information about their intentions. Yet, they are both prone to error. The best prospects of mitigating and escaping the security dilemma are therefore by utilizing intelligence to gauge others’ capabilities and diplomacy to decipher their intentions, even though these efforts may instead end up aggravating the security dilemma dynamics due to mistakes.

  • 5.
    Heydarian Pashakhanlou, Arash
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section. Swedish Defence University.
    Swedish Air Power History: A Holistic Overview2018In: Air Power History, ISSN 1044-016X, Vol. 65, no 3, p. 7-14-Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 6.
    Heydarian Pashakhanlou, Arash
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    The ethics of Carr and Wendt: Fairness and peace2018In: Journal of International Political Theory, ISSN 1755-0882, E-ISSN 1755-1722, Vol. 14, no 3, p. 314-330Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The classical realist writings of E.H. Carr and constructivist publications of Alexander Wendt are extraordinarily influential. While they have provoked a great number of reactions within the discipline of International Relations, the ethical dimensions of their works have rarely been studied at length. This article seeks to remedy this lack of examination by engaging in an in-depth scrutiny of the moral concerns of these two mainstream International Relations scholars. On investigation, it is revealed that Carr demonstrates a strong commitment to the ethical principle of fairness and Wendt a moral concern for the prevention of the use of organized violence. These concerns are shared by Rawlsians and cosmopolitans in International Relations, and these findings may thereby encourage closer engagement between these diverse communities that rarely speak to one another and strengthen disciplinary research on morals.

  • 7.
    Heydarian Pashakhanlou, Arash
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    The Past, Present and Future of Realism2018In: Realism in Practice: An Appraisal / [ed] Davide Orsi, J. R. Avgustin & Max Nurnus, Bristol: E-International Relations Publising , 2018, p. 29-42Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 8.
    Malm, Anders
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section. Department of Political Science, University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Operational Military Violence: A Cartography of Bureaucratic Minds and Practices2019Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Western use of military violence is becoming increasingly centralised, partly through the use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (or more commonly referred to as “drones” in the literature). Drone technology allows control and command of military operations to be put under one roof, and as military organisations traditionally have a close dependence on technological developments, procedures and regulations for centralised command and control have developed in close concert with advances in drone technology. Apart from technological innovations, there are other aspects that contribute to the growing centralisation of military violence. The increasing military sensitivity about public and media criticism regarding casualties and ‘collateral damage’ underlines the need for Western military organisations to take central control of military missions and the use of violence.

    What are the characteristics and consequences of this centralisation and how does it affect military practitioners’ relation to violence? The literature on military violence has slowly become aware that something has happened in Western military organisations’ relations to the use of force and has made some attempts to answer these questions. The tentative (short) answer is that military violence is becoming increasingly bureaucratised in the wake of this centralisation, and its human consequences are lost in bureaucratic routines and procedures. But so far the research on the bureaucratisation of violence has been delimited to investigations of either the theoretical procedures themselves (e.g. analysis of military doctrines), or field studies of drone operators or airmen’s work of ‘dropping bombs’. A major gap in the literature exists as the main organisational function for retaining control and command over violence – the operational level and the staff work performed there – is largely left aside in the research. Of particular interest here is how the work at operational levels of military organisations contributes to a bureaucratic institutionalisation of violence.

    This thesis aims to fill some of this gap through ethnographic investigations of operational military work and the training of ‘targeteers’ – staff officers working with the operational governance of military violence. In addition, the thesis also sets the current bureaucratisation of violence in a modern historical perspective, where the nation of Sweden stands as an example of how political incentives for military reformations form the foundation of a bureaucratisation of violence. The results of these investigations illustrate how bureaucratisation of violence leaves death and violence aside, and offers detailed insights into how the procedures, routines and the language of bureaucracy form the main points of reference for military practitioners’ view of their work. In addition, the analysis shows how military masculinity is reshaped from traditional warrior ideals to encompass norms of ‘the rational bureaucrat’. What is salient in these results is that they open up an otherwise closed off part of military practice and facilitates for public debates about military violence. Particularly regarding the central findings that some military practitioners do not regard violence as an outcome of their work, and that the bureaucratic operational work operates to reduce and even remove the (enemy) Other as a (human) point of reference in contemporary military work.

  • 9.
    Öberg, Dan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    Ethics, the military imaginary, and practices of war2019In: Critical Studies on Security, ISSN 2162-4887, E-ISSN 2162-4909Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 10.
    Öberg, Dan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    Suicide, the only politically worthy act2016In: Narrative Global Politics: Theory, history and the personal in international relations / [ed] Elizabeth Dauphinee, Naeem Inayatullah, London: Routledge, 2016, first, p. 191-199Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 11.
    Öberg, Dan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    Violent Fragments2015In: Journal of Narrative Politics, ISSN 2368-2507, Vol. 1, no 2, p. 150-152Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 12.
    Öberg, Dan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    War, transparency and control: the military architecture of operational warfare2016In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, ISSN 0955-7571, E-ISSN 1474-449X, Vol. 29, no 3, p. 1132-1149Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In contemporary research, transparency is commonly understood to indicate and guarantee openness, in ways that make it synonymous with positive characteristics of governing. However, the allegedly benevolent link between transparency and governing has also been questioned, giving rise to arguments that transparency enables violent social control. Drawing upon this latter view, the article stages an encounter between critical debates on transparency and critical accounts of war to examine the way that they come together in the operationalization of warfare. Engaging particularly with Jean Baudrillard’s writing on transparency, the article inquires into the way control is socially manufactured and administered through military doctrines. It concludes that the operationalization of warfare is not, as many tend to argue, first and foremost about a response to practical problems when conducting wars. Rather, it consists of the potential to unveil global space and global time as an attempt to maintain and control future political becoming

  • 13.
    Öberg, Dan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    Warfare as design: Transgressive creativity and reductive operational planning2018In: Security Dialogue, ISSN 0967-0106, E-ISSN 1460-3640, Vol. 49, no 6, p. 493-509Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article argues that the politics of contemporary Western warfare finds an important reference point in discourses on military design. In the 2010s, military design has become a trending topic in military discourses on command and planning methodology. Since Clausewitz, warfare has been considered a phenomenon characterized by a tension between creativity and linear planning, and the ideal commander as someone with the vision to overcome this. By mapping and analyzing tactical, operational, and strategic narratives and practices, the article illustrates how they emphasize a warfare based both on experimentation and artistry and on traditional operational planning. In so doing, military design relies on reductive military concepts to push the tension identified by Clausewitz towards its extreme end-point, idealizing creativity as an objective of warfare. The article ends by asking to what extent military design risks spilling over into other dimensions of social and political life. It concludes that in pushing creativity as part of war, military design builds on and justifies transgressive political practices with the risk of becoming a vital aspect of future governing.

1 - 13 of 13
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