Denna bok är tillägnad ett begrepp som alla officerare som genomgått utbildning i Sverige känner väl, men trots allt kanske inte alltid fått riktigt grepp om. Uppdragstaktik omnämns i en rad olika sammanhang inom den svenska Försvarsmakten och förväntas vara vägledande för hur militära insatser leds, och samtidigt har sammanhangen inom vilka det begagnas i viktiga avseenden omvandlats genom organisatoriska och teknologiska förändringar. Vad innebär uppdragstaktik idag, givet historiska erfarenheter men också dessa betydelsefulla förändringar samt i relation till relevanta försvars- och säkerhetspolitiska utmaningar?
Amateur imagery has become an important component of news coverage of distant crisis events, and it plays a decisive role in shaping how audiences respond to crises. In this article, we discuss how the factors of authenticity, affectivity, and ethics play a role in the ways in which citizen images engage or disengage the distant audience. The article is based on 17 focus group interviews in Sweden and Finland that centred on a selection of visual news coverage of the Arab Spring in Syria and Libya - landmark news events in the use of citizen eyewitness images in the Nordic countries. The results indicate that citizen imagery is indeed a potential tool with strongly engaging characteristics, especially in terms of its authenticity and to some degree also its affectivity. However, disengagement may also result, especially due to the interpreted deficiencies in terms of ethics.
Systemic violence against women in the military has existed for decades, but they have mostly refrained from public resistance. However, in the context of the #Metoo‐movement in Sweden, 1768 women published a call for an end to violence and sexual harassment in the military. We analyze this call as a public resistance effort against the military and find that #Metoo is: 1) challenging the norms of the hyper‐masculine military organization, making resistance towards it visible, and 2) resisting the practices of sexual harassment and lack of responsibility in the military organization. The military organization is questioned when it comes to norms and practices, but there are variations in whether the social order of the military is truly challenged. Still, the call highlights the fragmentation of this “last bastion of masculinity”. More research is needed on the erosion of the militarized norms and practices and the effects of the call.
Artikeln problematiserar läraryrkets koppling till säkerhets- och krishanteringsfältet samt hur denna kan förväntas inverka på lärarnas arbetsmiljö. Baserad på litteraturstudier med fokus på yrkesgruppen lärares närmande till fältet säkerhet och krishantering, mynnar analysen ut i två potentiella utmaningar a) arbetsmiljöproblem relaterade till den nya lärarrollen och b) genusaspekter som uppstår vid kopplingen till säkerhets- och krishanteringsfältet. Lärarnas arbetsmiljö utmanas med anledning av nya krav att hantera kriser och agera som säkerhetsaktörer. Yrkesgruppen kan ställas inför nya uppgifter som traditionellt sett har hanterats av räddningstjänst och polis. I denna kontext aktualiseras föreställningar om genus kopplade till dessa tidigare separata yrkesgrupper. Kvinnodominerade yrkesgrupper riskerar här att underordnas. Kommunal resursallokering har hittills exkluderat lärare som kris- och säkerhetsaktörer vilket riskerar förstärka arbetsmiljöproblemen.
Armed forces in many Western countries have been facing societal change processes for more than twenty years; including value changes, government savings and, more recently, by the unstable security environment. The starting point here is that there is a relationship between processes of societal change and organizational challenges. The purpose of this study is to examine how military leaders manage and respond to different kinds of organizational challenges, focusing on resistance. The empirical material was collected using a grounded theory approach. Informants possessing wide experience of leadership participated in this study. The qualitative analysis describes the coping strategies, acceptance and resistance found among military leaders when dealing with organizational demands. Challenges caused by societal changes are experienced as negative aspects of organizational structure. This may be an explanation for why military leaders cope with them applying both resistance and acceptance. However, our main conclusion is that resistance to change stays within a culture of obedience.
The European Union (EU) has modest but promising capacities to assist member states overwhelmed by disaster through its Civil Protection Mechanism. The EU also routinely sends civil and military missions to hotspots outside EU territory. But these capacities do not suffice in the face of transboundary crises: threats that cross geographical and policy borders within the Union. Examples include epidemics, financial crises, floods, and cyber terrorism. Nation states cannot cope with these threats without international collaboration. In this article, we explore the EU's efforts to develop transboundary crisis management capacities. We describe these budding capacities, explain their policy origins, and explore their future potential.
This study investigates the foreign policy re-orientation Turkey has undergone since the Islamist AKP came to power in 2002. The analysis is conducted by way of a case study and use of the congruence method. The aim of the study is to explain the outcome on the basis of two competing theories, which may also be complementary. The first theory supposes that the re-orientation is a result of external events, while the other supposes that the re-orientation emanates from the political leadership’s ability to deal with intrinsic constraints in the domestic political system. Conclusions show that the domestic political order and the external development are heavily intertwined and affect one another. The conclusions may apply for states whose politics are affected by strong ideologies, and additionally waver between traditionalism and modernization.
In virtually every assessment of responses to large-scale crises and disasters, coordination is identified as a critical failure factor. After the crisis, official committees and political opponents often characterize the early phases of the response as a ‘failure to coordinate.’ Not surprisingly, improved coordination quickly emerges as the prescribed solution. Coordination, then, is apparently both the problem and the solution. But the proposed solutions rarely solve the problem: coordination continues to mar most crises and disasters. In the absence of a shared body of knowledge on coordination, it is hard to formulate a normative framework that allows for systematic assessment of coordination in times of crisis. As coordination is widely perceived as an important function of crisis and disaster management, this absence undermines a fair and balanced assessment of crisis management performance. This paper seeks to address that void. We aim to develop a framework that explains both the failure and success of crisis coordination. We do this by exploring the relevant literature, reformulating what coordination is and distilling from research the factors that cause failure and success.
The world of crises and disasters is changing rapidly. We are witnessing new types of adversity. In addition, modern societies have become increasingly vulnerable to disruptions, new and old. This new world demands new types of responses, which nation states cannot produce alone. Nation states will have to cooperate to protect their citizens from these threats. This article investigates the role of the European Union in the development of new safety and security arrangements. It identifies conceptual building blocks for a new security paradigm and offers design principles that can facilitate a shared way of thinking and acting in the safety and security domain
The chapter is an analysis of the Sendai Framework for action; the central policy document in the global field of Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR). Since this Framework sets the agenda for the wider field of DRR practice across the globe, it is important to scrutinise for anyone interested in problems of gender-based disaster inequality. The Sendai Framework acknowledges issues of gender inequality yet, as discussed in this chapter, does so in a rather limited and somewhat problematic way. To understand the shortcomings the analysis makes use of Carol Bacchi’s “What’s the Problem Represented to Be?” (WPR) approach to policy analysis. With help of this analytical tool, two conceptual logics are identified in the Framework that prevent full incorporation of a gender perspective. Firstly, a relief logic assumes a temporality of acuteness and prescribes male-dominated professional domains as experts. This makes a political analysis of gender inequality unintelligible. The relief logic also renders silent political solutions to alter gender inequalities. Secondly, a techno-managerial logic proposes technical and managerial solutions to problems of disaster risk. This rewrites solutions to structural inequalities as problems that can be solved technologically and managerially – in contrast to the types of political solutions needed to alter gender inequalities.
The development of European Union (EU) civil protection cooperation highlights important issues in the debate on the internal-external security nexus. It points to the increased transnationalization of threats usually assigned to the field of 'internal' security, but it also presents researchers with a puzzle: despite the relatively rapid development of civil protection cooperation, there is still substantial disagreement among the EU member states as to how it should continue to develop. Applying an analytical framework based on neo-institutional organization theory and the study of organizational 'fields', this article explores two questions: What is the institutional basis for member states' diverging positions on the future direction of EU civil protection? and How may these positions affect the current development of EU civil protection? Our analysis draws upon empirical evidence from civil protection practice in Spain, Sweden and the EU, including official documents in the form of bills and laws, policy papers and elite interviews. We find that the basis for member states' diverging positions on the future of EU civil protection is rooted in conflicting national institutional logics of civil protection. No logic has become dominant at the EU level, suggesting that as long as multiple institutional logics continue to coexist, disagreement on the future development of European level civil protection cooperation will persist.
Taking its departure in the concept of strategic culture, this book answers the question of why European countries decide either to participate or not in international military operations. This volume examines strategic culture and its relation to justifications of decisions made by France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland and the United Kingdom with regard to four different operations: Operation Enduring Freedom ISAF in Afghanistan, Operation Iraqi Freedom in Iraq, Operation Unified Protector in Libya, and EU Navfor/Atalanta outside Somalia. In this work the authors closely analyse the role of civil-military relations with regard to decisions about participation.