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  • 1.
    Egnell, Robert
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört).
    Lessons from Helmand, Afghanistan: What now for British counterinsurgency?2011Inngår i: International Affairs, ISSN 0020-5850, E-ISSN 1468-2346, Vol. 87, nr 2, s. 297-315Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article analyses the conduct of British operations in Helmand between 2006 and 2010 and discusses the implications for the legacy and future of British counterinsurgency. Substantially changed training, painful relearning of counterinsurgency principles and changed mindsets are necessary to avoid repeated early failures in the future. Moreover, despite eventually adapting tactically to the situation and task in Helmand, the British Armed Forces proved inadequate in dealing with the task assigned to them for two key reasons. First, the resources of the British military are simply too small for dealing with large-scale complex engagements such as those in Helmand or southern Iraq. Second, the over-arching comprehensive approach, and especially the civilian lines of operations that underpinned Britain's historical successes with counterinsurgency, are today missing.

  • 2.
    Nordin, Astrid
    et al.
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Weissmann, Mikael
    Försvarshögskolan, Militärvetenskapliga institutionen (MVI), Taktikavdelningen (TA), Marksektionen (Mark). Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Will Trump make China great again?: The belt and road initiative and international order2018Inngår i: International Affairs, ISSN 0020-5850, E-ISSN 1468-2346, Vol. 94, nr 2, s. 231-249Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Under President Xi Jinping's leadership, Chinese foreign relations have moved from keeping a low profile, to a more assertive bid for international leadership that is beginning to take form in the ‘belt and road initiative’ (BRI). This initiative focuses on connectivity in policy coordination, facilities, trade, finance and people-to-people relations, in order to connect China to key parts of Asia, the south Pacific, east Africa and Europe. Networked capitalism and the national unit, which are often seen as spatial opposites in the global political economy, are both exercised through the BRI in mutually supporting ways. Networked capitalism is not challenging the national spatial unit, nor vice versa. Rather, they conglomerate to reinforce Chinese government narratives which portray China as the new trailblazer of global capitalism—thus illustrating and justifying a new Sinocentric order in east Asia. Likely winners of this constellation, if it is successful, are megalopolises in Eurasia, and most of all the Chinese Communist Party. Likely losers are countries that are not included in the BRI, most notably the United States. In a context where President Donald Trump is signalling a more protectionist stance and the United States is withdrawing from free trade pacts like the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Trump may ironically enable Xi's dream of making China great again.

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