Higher education is an essential element in developing a country’s innovative potential, and this has been recognised as such by politicians and those who work in the industry. However, one of the blights of contemporary Russian society, corruption threatens the potential of the next generation. Corruption has permeated all levels of society, including the education sector. It is having a profound effect and is replicating the physical and psychological conditions. This article details the scale and nature of corruption in higher education in Russia, and offers some insight into the various proposals that seek to change the situation for the better.
Crisis Management Challenges in Kaliningrad captures the evolving nature of the types of crises faced by a society as it transforms and evolves. Once the westernmost bastion of the Soviet Union and now the westernmost part of the Russian Federation, the Kaliningrad Oblast remains cut off from direct land communication with mainland Russia and provides a condensed, real-life laboratory in which to observe changing political, technological and economic priorities in Post-Soviet society. Expert contributors from the region chart the tensions, problems and opportunities created by the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and examine the change in status and situation of the Kaliningrad Oblast. By looking at a selection of economic, environmental and social crises a historical link between the Soviet and Post-Soviet eras is formed and rigorously examined.
War is being increasingly used as an instrument of foreign policy, which has been assisted been political level appreciation of the potential of the West’s superior tangible military strength. The short-term results have been predictable, Saddam Hussein was quickly defeated, Gaddafi was overthrown. Emphasis has been placed on short-term goals and objectives, seemingly without thought to the long-term consequences of these actions. The recent ISIS offensive in Iraq has re-focussed attention that these various wars are still all ongoing. What are the likely or possible results and consequences of failing to take into account the consequences and costs of these wars of choice?
This paper seeks to explore and analyse the different means and mechanisms of influence employed by Russia on the three Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania). By influence, it means the attempt to try and get another country to behave in a manner that benefits the influencer's policy and/or interests. As such, this can entail exerting one of two forms of power, hard or soft (as defined by Nye, 2004) to bring about the compliance. The current paper restricts its focus to those mechanisms related to shaping opinion and perception, such as public diplomacy (in its various forms).
To begin with the paper shall define the various concepts used – influence, power and public diplomacy. It shall then shift to the different Russian institutions that have been created to shape and manage influence, such as Russky Mir or Rossotrudnichestvo. Plus there are those other elements that exist in the region – Russian compatriots and Russian language media (both local and external to the Baltic States). Then the paper shall deal with relations between Russia and the Baltic States, with a focus upon recent history. Sources shall not be limited to academic literature and mass media resources, but will also include interviews for an ‘insider’ perspective on the issue. The responses shall be used to address the following question: How do people in the Baltic States perceive Russian soft power and influence?
In September 2010 and February 2011, the Canterbury region was rocked by a series of earthquakes. The success or otherwise, of a recovery from a crisis can be found in the perceptions of stakeholders. Many different stakeholders exist, including different levels of Government, bureaucratic institutions and state institutions, private enterprise, non-governmental organisations and the public. In this article, the public are the focus and their perception of the recovery is collected. An online survey was conducted, and it demonstrates a significant gap between the Government’s perception and the perception of residents of Christchurch. How do publics react when they feel as though they have been marginalised by the authorities charged with the crisis event recovery? The Government’s account of success is not shared by the majority of respondents, who have mobilised politically using social media platforms. There are implications for Governments and authorities that are seen to fail segments of the public in the age of social media, where crisis management and public relations meet and political mobilisation against officials and official bodies takes place.
An underlying motive of the paper is to explore the question, is censorship a means or an end? The initial point is that there is a wide understanding and definition of censorship, with many various forms and means. A contradiction that emerges is by law censorship is forbidden in Russia, but there are ways and means of trying to muzzle media and journalists. Something that does emerge is the picture of the perceived importance of media in shaping the attitudes, morals and values of society. This is seen as being particularly important during times of social and political conflict, which is currently being experienced.
Many studies have focussed upon Western countries, such as the United States and members of the European Union, and how they engage with foreign publics. There is also an increasing amount of attention being paid to non-Western countries. The debate on soft power, for instance, shows that the concept is perceived and applied in a manner that differs from Nye's vision. This present article seeks to examine and analyse how and why the Russian state engages foreign publics with different communicational means and methods. Relations and approaches are much more pragmatic in the current situation, ideology seems to have been discarded. The current foreign policy concept gives context to positioning Russia, which not only gives Russia a certain role, but one that is set in relation to other international actors. Although, not all countries are treated the same, a different approach based upon a different set of assumptions produces a different understanding as to what programmes and means are needed. This produces a difference in approach between Western countries and those countries on the territory of the Former Soviet Union. (C) 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Security Sector Reform (SSR) holds different meanings and hence varying implications for recipients and donors. Therefore, as an initial point of departure it is necessary to offer a more precise understanding of what can the European Union (EU) offer as a donor to recipient nations in need of SSR? The empirical case of Georgia presents an interesting and challenging case for SSR. There have been a number of domestic and international conflicts in the post-Soviet era, which has left a volatile legacy. There needs to be a cautious and long-term approach that balances what Georgia needs and wants with what the EU can offer. Rather than a narrow approach to the SSR programme, a broader and more encompassing assistance needs to be undertaken in order to affect a more stable and sustainable change. This process shall require talking and offering, but also listening to what Georgian officials request and desire.
There has been a lot of research done on "Western'' politicians and political systems with regard to political marketing. But what about other countries, especially those that possess a different political standard? This article seeks to address one particular Russian politician: Vladimir Putin. He rose from obscurity to become Russia's second president (after Boris Yeltsin). Two presidential elections form the focus of attention, 2000 and 2012. The aim is to discover the consistencies and breaks in the manufacturing of Putin's political image and reputation. A number of breaks and continuities were discovered in terms of how Putin is marketed. This seems to be a reflection of the changes taking places in Russia's political environment, which then needs to be taken into consideration when political marketing is conducted.
Russia and China have become significant players in terms of their activity within public diplomacy (PD), in a relatively short space of time. This article seeks to address the way these two countries manage the concept and practice of PD in an online communication environment (namely, Websites and social media). Cases will be used to illustrate how this is managed in practice. The case of the South China Seas dispute and the Ukrainian crisis will be used to demonstrate how these difficult issues are managed. There are a number of similarities between the two countries, but also some significant differences. Russia tends to express communication in terms of competing sets of norms and values, whereas the values and ideological concepts are more rigidly defined within the Chinese case.
The notion of the fourth estate is the ideological foundation of journalism in the West. It implies that journalism is something that fulfils and supports the public interest, and acts as an independent check and balance against the excesses of the state. However, changes in the news production cycle and process and ownership have seen the destruction of the fourth estate in practice. This paper accounts for some of the reasons why the fourth estate cannot be considered today as being a properly functioning mechanism.
The International Crisis Group (ICG) has the motto 'working to prevent conflict worldwide'. As an organisation the ICG occupies a very specific niche role, which is related to crises of a political nature, specifically armed conflict. While the ICG employs a negative understanding of crisis, the academic definition of what a crisis may constitute is broader, as it can actually represent an opportunity for some actors. This article, written from a communication studies perspective, seeks to address how crises are manufactured in ICG texts. It argues that the way in which crisis events are viewed and reacted to depends on the level of information and 'knowledge' that is produced and circulating about them. The article tackles the issue of the strategic level of the ICG in terms of its means and mechanisms of attempting to project influence. It explores the different ploys and strategies used to influence policy makers, especially its communication strategy, the different values and ethics that are highlighted, and the 'causes' that are promoted.
The article explores the nature and methods of mass media-based propaganda as well as the possibility of their implementation in the American press within the context of the development of the current political conflict in Syria. The authors substantiate the thesis that the quality media being traditionally considered as unbiased and comprehensive sources of information, currently demonstrate a high level of political partisanship. This agenda is relevant for the understanding of the key media trends in the context of the contemporary information globalization.