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  • 1.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Finland, Sweden and Operation Unified Protector: The impact of strategic culture2016In: Comparative Strategy, ISSN 0149-5933, E-ISSN 1521-0448, Vol. 35, no 4, p. 284-297Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the Swedish decision to participate in Operation Unified Protector in Libya and the Finnish decision to refrain from the same operation. It takes as its theoretical point of departure the concept of strategic culture and argues that differences in the strategic culture of the two countries contributed to the differences in behavior toward the Libya intervention. The Finnish and Swedish strategic cultures differ with respect to the core tasks of the armed forces, willingness to use force, and with respect to what types of operations and organizational frameworks Finland and Sweden find it appropriate to participate in.

  • 2.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    From Enthusiasm to Reluctance: Poland and International Military Operations2016In: European Participation in International Operations: The Role of Strategic Culture / [ed] Malena Britz, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, p. 123-149Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 3.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Historical experiences, strategic culture, and strategic behavior: Poland in the anti-ISIS coalition2018In: Defence Studies, ISSN 1470-2436, E-ISSN 1743-9698, Vol. 18, no 4, p. 454-473Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article contributes to an explanation of why Poland, after a period of almost two years’ hesitation, decided to dispatch military forces to the United States-led coalition against the Islamic State in June 2016. The Polish case is examined by applying the concept of strategic culture, taking into account a state’s core military strategic beliefs and the historical experiences on which these beliefs are based. The case study shows that strategic culture shaped the Polish decision-making on the coalition, by predisposing the decision-makers toward a typical Polish behavior in international military operations, namely to exchange security benefits with important allies. The article also has implications for the general study of strategic culture, by specifying the relationship between historical experiences and strategic culture.

  • 4.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Leader-driven foreign-policy change: Denmark and the Persian Gulf War2013In: International Political Science Review, ISSN 0192-5121, E-ISSN 1460-373X, Vol. 34, no 5, p. 582-597Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In contrast to most previous research on foreign-policy change, this article investigates how an individual decision-maker can have an impact on major changes in foreign policy. The article takes as its theoretical point of departure the concept of leader-driven change, which focuses on the determined efforts of a political leader to change policy. Empirically, the article investigates the change that occurred in Denmark’s foreign policy when its government decided to participate in the United Nations sanctions against Iraq in August 1990. The article finds that the foreign minister was the main initiator of the policy change, that his personal characteristics played a decisive role, and that the Gulf crisis created a window of opportunity for the foreign minister to initiate the change in policy. In implementing the policy change, however, the foreign minister could not act independently, since he needed the support of other political actors. On the basis of these empirical      findings, the article suggests a new theory of foreign-policy change.

  • 5.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Strategic Culture, Domestic Politics, and Foreign Policy: Finland’s Decision To Refrain From Operation Unified Protector2017In: Foreign Policy Analysis, ISSN 1743-8586, E-ISSN 1743-8594, Vol. 13, no 3, p. 741-759Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article integrates literature on strategic culture with literature on the domestic politics of foreign policy, illustrating how the interaction of culture and domestic political calculation can influence government foreign policy on participation in international military operations. Empirically, the article investigates the decision made by the Government of Finland to refrain from participation in the military intervention in Libya in March–April 2011. The Finnish decision-making illustrates that domestic politics, in particular the factor of election timing, can strengthen the feeling among decision-makers that they should follow the country’s strategic culture. The article ends with theorization on the domestic political conditions under which decision-makers are more or less likely to deviate from strategic culture.

  • 6.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen med folkrättscentrum (upphört).
    Sweden’s Libya decision: A case of humanitarian intervention2014In: International Politics, ISSN 1384-5748, E-ISSN 1740-3898, Vol. 51, no 2, p. 196-213Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates why Sweden decided to participate in the enforcement of the no-fly zone over Libya in 2011. The Swedish decision was the result of a combination of factors, including feelings of altruism, the legal basis for the operation, the involvement of North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the operation, the political power play in the Swedish parliament and Sweden’s availability of military resources. The case study relies on a multitude of different sources, such as government reports, speeches and remarks, parliamentary records, media coverage, blog entries, secondary sources, and interviews with high-level civil servants.

  • 7.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen med folkrättscentrum (upphört).
    Sweden's Participation in Operation Unified Protector: Obligations and Interests2014In: International Peacekeeping, ISSN 1353-3312, E-ISSN 1743-906X, Vol. 21, no 5, p. 642-657Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the necessary conditions behind the decision made by the Government of Sweden to participate with fighter jets in the monitoring of the no-fly zone over Libya in March 2011. The article identifies five explanatory factors whose presence was necessary for Sweden's military contribution: a feeling of moral obligation to intervene on the part of the government; the international legal foundation for the operation; strong leadership provided by NATO; broad parliamentary support; and the availability of military capabilities.

  • 8.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    When governments ignore public opinion in foreign policy: Poland and the Iraq invasion2013In: European Security, ISSN 0966-2839, E-ISSN 1746-1545, Vol. 22, no 3, p. 413-431Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article asks why the Government of Poland participated in the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 when a large majority of the Polish public was opposed to national involvement in Iraq. The aim is to further an understanding of the circumstances under which democratic governments ignore public opinion in their foreign policy decision-making. The article argues that a combination of three circumstances increased the willingness of the government to ignore the public. First, the Iraq issue had relatively low salience among the Polish voters, which decreased the domestic political risks of pursuing the policy. Second, the government's Iraq policy was supported by a considerable consensus among the political elite. Third, the political elites were unified in their perceptions that participating in the invasion would yield essential international gains for Poland.

  • 9.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Eidenfalk, Joakim
    University of Wollongong, Australien.
    Ignoring public opinion: The Australian and Polish decisions to go to war in Iraq2016In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, ISSN 0955-7571, E-ISSN 1474-449X, Vol. 29, no 2, p. 562-580Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates why the governments of Australia and Poland decided to contribute military forces to the United States led invasion of Iraq in March 2003 when a majority of Australian and Polish citizens were opposed to national involvement in the invasion. The objective of the article is to increase understanding of the conditions under which governments ignore the public in their foreign policymaking. The article examines the explanatory power of four intervening variables: issue salience, elite debate, timing of the next election and the importance assigned to international gains by the government. On the basis of the Direct Method of Agreement, the article concludes that government perceptions of international gains and the timing of the next election were potentially necessary factors for the outcomes of the cases, while issue salience and elite debate were not necessary conditions. A distant election may, thus, provide sufficient electoral protection for a government that conducts a foreign policy to which the public is opposed.

  • 10.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    et al.
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Eidenfalk, Joakim
    University of Wollongong, Australien.
    The importance of windows of opportunity for foreign policy change2013In: International Area Studies Review, ISSN 2233-8659, E-ISSN 2049-1123, Vol. 16, no 4, p. 390-406Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article emphasizes how individual decision-makers and their perceptions of windows of opportunity can play a decisive role for major changes in the foreign policy of states by conducting two case studies. The first case is the change that occurred in Denmark’s foreign policy in August 1990 when its government dispatched a warship to the Persian Gulf to participate in the monitoring of the United Nations sanctions against Iraq. The second case is the change that occurred in Australia’s foreign policy in April–May 2003 when its government abandoned Australia’s long-standing “hands-off” approach toward Solomon Islands by leading a multinational military intervention. The article demonstrates that individual decision-makers, with a long-standing desire to change policy, perceived structural changes as a window of opportunity for initiating the desired policy changes. The article concludes that, had it not been for these particular individuals, and their perceptions of the world around them, events would most likely have unfolded in a different way

  • 11.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Eidenfalk, Johan
    School of Humanities and Social Inquiry, University of Wollongong, Wollongong, Australia.
    Using strategic culture to understand participation in expeditionary operations: Australia, Poland, and the coalition against the Islamic State2018In: Contemporary Security Policy, ISSN 1352-3260, E-ISSN 1743-8764, Vol. 40, no 1, p. 4-29Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates how strategic culture influenced the decision-making of Australia and Poland regarding the global coalition against the Islamic State. In the coalition, Australia has followed its tradition of active participation in United States-led operations, while Poland has embarked on a more cautious line, thereby breaking with its previous policy of active participation. The article examines how Australian and Polish responses to the coalition were shaped by five cultural elements: dominant threat perception, core task of the armed forces, strategic partners, experiences of participating in coalitions of the willing, and approach to the international legality of expeditionary operations. It finds that Australia and Poland differed on all five elements but that the major differences are found in dominant threat perception and core task of the armed forces.

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