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  • 1.
    Bremberg, Niklas
    et al.
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Holmberg, Arita
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Inledning: om att forska och vara forskare2016In: Att forska: praktiker och roller inom samhällsvetenskapen / [ed] Linus Hagström, Niklas Bremberg, Arita Holmberg, Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 2016, p. 13-30Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 2.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    et al.
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Forskningsproblem: vad står på spel?2016In: Att forska: praktiker och roller inom samhällsvetenskapen, Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 2016, p. 96-118Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 3.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, (SWE).
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division.
    The insecurity of doing research and the ‘so what question’ in political science: how to develop more compelling research problems by facing anxiety2023In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, p. -15Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Research problems are crucial in the sense that they provide new research with purpose and justification. So why, despite the abundance of guidance available from an extensive methods literature, do graduate students often struggle to develop compelling research problems? This article argues that the process of developing research problems epitomises the insecurity of doing research. We focus in particular on the anxiety that graduate students often seek to avoid or alleviate through a range of counterproductive coping strategies. The existing literature on research problems focuses predominantly on the technical aspects of doing research while neglecting how anxiety might affect the research process. This article seeks to rectify this shortcoming by providing advice on how graduate students can face such anxiety, and how professors can assist them in this endeavour. Drawing on theories about identity and anxiety, the article explains the allure of coping strategies such as gap-filling, while arguing that anxiety is not necessarily a negative emotion to be avoided at all costs, but integral to learning and creativity. It concludes by suggesting that compelling research problems can be constructed through the formulation of narratives that try to embrace anxiety, instead of seeking premature resolutions. 

  • 4.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    et al.
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    What Is the Point?: Teaching Graduate Students how to Construct Political Science Research Puzzles2018In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 17, no 4, p. 634-648Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    One of the key challenges graduate students face is how to come up with a good rationale for their theses. Unfortunately, the methods literature in and beyond political science does not provide much advice on this important issue. While focusing on how to conduct research, this literature has largely neglected the question of why a study should be undertaken. The limited discussions that can be found suggest that new research is justified if it (1) fills a ‘gap’; (2) addresses an important real-world problem; and/or (3) is methodologically rigorous. This article discusses the limitations of these rationales. Then, it proposes that research puzzles are more useful for clarifying the nature and importance of a contribution to existing research, and hence a better way of justifying new research. The article also explores and clarifies what research puzzles are, and begins to devise a method for constructing them out of the vague ideas and questions that often trigger a research process. 

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  • 5.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division. Stockholms universitet, (SWE).
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Hansson, Ulv
    Soka University (JPN).
    Long live pacifism!: narrative power and Japan’spacifist model2019In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, ISSN 0955-7571, E-ISSN 1474-449X, Vol. 32, no 4, p. 502-520Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    International relations research acknowledges that states can have different security policies but neglects the fact that ‘models’ may exist in the security policy realm. This article suggests that it is useful to think about models, which it argues can become examples for emulation or be undermined through narrative power. It illustrates the argument by analysing Japan’s pacifism—an alternative approach to security policy which failed to become an internationally popular model and, despite serving the country well for many years, has even lost its appeal in Japan. Conventional explanations suggest that Japan’s pacifist policies were ‘abnormal’, and that the Japanese eventually realized this. By contrast, this article argues that narratives undermined Japan’s pacifism by mobilizing deep-seated beliefs about what is realistic and unrealistic in international politics, and launches a counter-narrative that could help make pacifism a more credible model in world politics.

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  • 6.
    Ha, Thao-Nguyen
    et al.
    Department of Political Science, Vanderbilt University, (USA).
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division.
    Resentment, status dissatisfaction, and the emotional underpinnings of Japanese security policy2022In: International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, ISSN 1470-482X, E-ISSN 1470-4838Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    What explains Japan’s security policy change in recent decades? Heeding the ‘emotional turn’ in International Relations, this article applies a resentment-based framework, which defines resentment as a long-lasting form of anger and the product of status dissatisfaction. Leveraging interviews with 18 conservative Japanese lawmakers and senior officials, the article discusses the role, function, and prevalence of resentment in the remaking of Japan’s security policy, premised on constitutional revision. The analysis reveals that conservative elites are acutely status-conscious; and that those who blame a perceived inferior status on Japan’s alleged pacifism are more likely to see revision of Article 9 as an end in itself. For a subset of conservatives, however, the goal is rather to stretch the Constitution to enhance Japan’s means of deterrence vis-à-vis objects of fear or in solidarity with allies. Overall, the article demonstrates that resentment provides a fruitful lens for analyzing status dissatisfaction in international politics. 

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  • 7.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Att normalisera ett land: Japansk utrikes- och säkerhetspolitik2015In: Japan nu: Strömningar och perspektiv, Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 2015, 2, p. 209-231Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 8.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi.
    Becoming a traitor2021In: Life Writing, ISSN 1448-4528, E-ISSN 1751-2964, Vol. 18, no 1, p. 135-143Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this autobiographical essay, I narrate my experience of being positioned in public as naive in my profession and a traitor to my country after publishing an op-ed in Sweden’s largest daily newspaper, in which I argued that Sweden should not join NATO — the transatlantic military alliance. Some of the negative reactions came from within my own workplace. I had just been promoted to Professor at the Swedish Defence University and colleagues thought I had also betrayed them and the university by publishing the piece. In this essay, I disclose some of the reactions I encountered but, more importantly, I try to understand the effect they had on me, recounting my own inner dialogue of shame and resistance. At times I worried that I lacked expertise or even secretly harboured an affinity with the country that is now seen to motivate a Swedish NATO membership — i.e. Russia. At other times, I tried to turn the tables on the stigmatisers, claiming that it was they who had to change. While I work in a highly militarised environment, I think the fear of social death and professional shame I explore in this essay has broader resonance.

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  • 9.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division.
    CRISIS NARRATIVES, INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE, AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE JAPANESE STATE: Edited by Sebastian Maslow and Christian Wirth2022In: Pacific Affairs, ISSN 0030-851X, Vol. 95, no 4Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 10.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi.
    Disciplinary power: Text and body in the Swedish NATO debate2021In: Cooperation and Conflict, ISSN 0010-8367, E-ISSN 1460-3691, Vol. 56, no 2, p. 141-162Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article draws on identity construction, emotions and a notion of productive power to address the question of why Swedish policymakers and public opinion are becoming increasingly supportive of NATO membership. It contributes theoretically by arguing that such textual phenomena intertwine with ‘disciplinary power’, which operates on the bodies of the subjects of power, exposing them to verbal and physical sanctions, a host of complex feelings and enhanced levels of self-disciplining. The article analyses 354 editorials and op-eds related to Sweden and NATO, published in the four biggest Swedish newspapers in 2014–2018; 1408 tweets, with a focus on 14 selected NATO campaigners and their advocacy; and semi-structured interviews with 12 such influencers. It concludes that Swedish NATO campaigners produce and negotiate emotional discourses in a way that targets other influencers and potential influencers by exposing them to ridicule and allegations of treason. While tendencies are similar on both sides of the debate, the article demonstrates that productive power currently intertwines with disciplinary power in a way that makes anti-NATO advocacy seem more fraught with personal risk than pro-NATO campaigning, and joining NATO appear to be the most normal, realistic and responsible policy option.

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  • 11.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    East Asia's power shift: The flaws and hazards of the debate and how to avoid them2014In: Asian Perspective, ISSN 0258-9184, E-ISSN 2288-2871, Vol. 38, no 3, p. 337-362Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The widespread debate on an East Asian power shift is generally based on the crude notion that power and capability are interchangeable. We critique this view and offer the alternative that power is the capacity of actors and discourses to produce effects— what we call relational and productive power, respectively. We also engage in a reflexive exercise by addressing the productive power of the power-shift debate itself, and emphasize the danger that this debate might enable the kind of realpolitik that it forebodes.

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  • 12.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi.
    Great Power Narcissism and Ontological (In)Security: The Narrative Mediation of Greatness and Weakness in International Politics2021In: International Studies Quarterly, ISSN 0020-8833, E-ISSN 1468-2478, Vol. 65, no 2, p. 331-342Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Why do self-representations of weakness pervade public discourse in self-identified great powers? Moreover, why do they intersect with self-representations of greatness? Do such narrative instability, inconsistency, and incoherence simply indicate that great powers are ontologically insecure? This article advances a theoretical explanation that is both embedded in and contributes to scholarship that theorizes ontological (in)security from a Lacanian perspective. The gist, ironically, is that great powers’ quest for greatness is co-constituted with the narrative construction of weakness. The article then challenges the assumption in existing ontological security scholarship that states are generally self-reflexive and experience pride when ontologically secure but shame when ontologically insecure. Since great power narratives reflect persistent, exaggerated, and simultaneous feelings of shame and pride, it argues that narcissism helps better account for great power self-identification and ontological security-seeking. Drawing on psychological research on narcissism, the article develops four narrative forms—shame, pride, denial, and insult—through which self-representations of weakness and greatness, and feelings of shame and pride, can be mediated. Finally, using empirical illustrations from the United States and China, the article analyzes how and with what implications political leaders have narrated about each respective great power's weakness and greatness, with a focus on the period 2006–2020.

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  • 13.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Identity Change and Foreign Policy: Japan and its ‘Others’2016Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 14.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Identity Politics in Japan’s International Relations2015Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 15.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Japan anser sig behöva rusta för att kunna försvara freden2014In: Respons, ISSN 2001-2292, no 6, p. 8-9Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 16.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division.
    Japan, the Ambiguous, and My Fragile, Complex and Evolving Self2022In: Life Writing, ISSN 1448-4528, E-ISSN 1751-2964, p. 1-10Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This essay takes literature laureate Kenzaburo Oe’s Nobel lecture from 1994, Japan, the Ambiguous, and Myself, as a point of departure for thinking about Japan, the ambiguous and how the already fragile and complex narrator that is I has evolved ambiguously over time in relation to a similarly ambiguous and changing imagination of Japan. Based on aikido practice—the narrator’s gateway to Japan—the essay ends up proposing a different understanding of and approach to ambiguity to Oe’s.

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  • 17.
    Hagström, Linus
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Japan's article 9: Will it be revised or get the Nobel Peace Prize?2014In: East Asia ForumArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 18.
    Hagström, Linus
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Maktkamp i Östasien2014In: Axess, ISSN 1651-0941, no 5, p. 14-16Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 19.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi.
    Narrative power in International Relations2019Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 20.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Review of Bridging Troubled Waters: China, Japan, and Maritime Order in the East China Sea. By James Manicom2015In: Pacific Affairs, ISSN 0030-851X, Vol. 88, no 3, p. 681-683Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 21.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section. Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Stoltheten kan knäcka japansk pacifism2014In: Svenska dagbladet, ISSN 1101-2412, Vol. 21 juni, p. 23-Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 22.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division.
    Sveriges väg mot Nato, kantad av identitetspolitik och bristfällig analys2022In: Kosmopolis: Suomen rauhantutkimusyhdistys, ISSN 2814-5070, Vol. 52, no 4, p. 87-95Article in journal (Other academic)
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  • 23.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section. Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    The "Abnormal" State: Identity, Norm/Exception and Japan2015In: European Journal of International Relations, ISSN 1354-0661, E-ISSN 1460-3713, Vol. 21, no 1, p. 122-145Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The term ‘abnormal’ has frequently been used to describe post-war Japan. Together with the idea that the country will, or should have to, ‘normalise’ its foreign and security policy, it has been reproduced in both academia and Japanese society. Why is Japan branded as ‘abnormal’, and from where does the desire to ‘normalise’ it come? Drawing on a relational concept of identity, and the distinction between norm and exception, this article argues that the ‘abnormality–normalisation nexus’ can be understood in terms of three identity-producing processes: (1) the process whereby the Japanese Self is socialised in US/‘Western’ norms, ultimately constructing it as an Other in the international system; (2) the process whereby the Japanese Self imagines itself as ‘legitimately exceptional’ (what is called ‘exceptionalisation’), but also ‘illegitimately abnormal’ — both of which are epitomised by Japan’s ‘pacifism’; and (3) the process whereby both the Self’s ‘negative abnormality’ and China/Asia are securitised in attempts to realise a more ‘normal’ (or super-normal) Japanese Self. How Japan is inter subjectively constructed on a scale between ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ enables and constrains action. Although Japan has not remilitarised nearly as much in the 2000s as is often claimed, these processes might very well forebode an exceptional decision to become ‘normal’ and therefore more significant steps towards remilitarisation.

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  • 24.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section. Utrikespolitiska institutet, Stockholm, Sverige.
    The Sino-Japanese battle for soft power: Pitfalls and promises2015In: Global Affairs, ISSN 2334-0460, E-ISSN 2334-0479, Vol. 1, no 2, p. 129-137Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Beijing and Tokyo are currently involved in a zero-sum battle for soft power. Both governments are actively trying to shape how third party actors understand contested matters in their bilateral relationship. The dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands is the most obvious flashpoint in this ongoing struggle for hearts and minds. A soft power battle might seem like an innocent endeavour, but by entrenching enmity and legitimizing armed conflict, it might actually translate into one where hard power takes centre stage. Indeed, that the dissemination and entrenchment of affective identity narrative make violence seem normal, natural, realistic or perhaps even inevitable is the greatest danger associated with the ongoing Sino-Japanese dispute. However, if both parties were to agree to let the International Court of Justice settle their discord, the islands dispute could provide them with a chance to boost their respective soft power and lay the groundwork for a more peaceful order in East Asia. The article thus argues that the Sino-Japanese soft power battle contains both well-known pitfalls and a less well-known promise.

  • 25.
    Hagström, Linus
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Using meta-reflection to improve learning and throughput: redesigning assessment procedures in a political science course on power2014In: Assessment & Evaluation in Higher Education, ISSN 0260-2938, E-ISSN 1469-297X, Vol. 39, no 2, p. 242-252Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 26.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Appelgren, Staffan
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Introduktion: Varför Japan?2015In: Japan nu: Strömningar och perspektiv, Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 2015, 2nd, p. 15-28Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 27.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division.
    Bremberg, Niklas
    Stockholms universitet, (SWE), Swedish Institute of International Affairs, (SWE).
    Aikido and world politics: a practice theory for transcending the security dilemma2022In: European Journal of International Relations, ISSN 1354-0661, E-ISSN 1460-3713, Vol. 28, no 2, p. 263-286Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In the final analysis, is the security dilemma inescapable? Or can the protagonists in world politics learn to live with never-ending insecurities and the risk of attack without producing precisely the outcomes that they wish to avoid? This article explores this fundamental problem for International Relations theory by performing a thought experiment, in which it applies lessons from aikido to world politics. A form of Japanese budo, or martial art, aikido provides practitioners with a method for harbouring insecurities, and for dealing with attacks that may or may not occur, by empathically caring for actual and potential attackers. The article builds on practice theory in assuming that any social order is constructed and internalised through practices, but also capable of change through the introduction and dissemination of new practices. Although an unlikely scenario, aikido practice could serve as such a method of fundamental transformation if widely applied in world politics. Empirical examples ranging from international apologies and security cooperation to foreign aid and peacekeeping operations are discussed, suggesting that contemporary world politics is at times already performed in accordance with aikido principles, albeit only imperfectly and partially.

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  • 28.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Bremberg, NiklasStockholms universitet och Utrikespolitiska institutet.Holmberg, AritaSwedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Att forska: praktiker och roller inom samhällsvetenskapen2016Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 29.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Japan and identity change: why it matters in international relations2016In: Identity change and foreign policy: Japan and its 'others' / [ed] Linus Hagström, London and New York: Routledge, 2016, p. 1-22Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 30.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section. Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    Utrikespolitiska Institutet, Stockholm, Sverige.
    Japan and identity change: Why it matters in International Relations2015In: The Pacific Review, ISSN 0951-2748, E-ISSN 1470-1332, Vol. 28, no 1, p. 1-22Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Two approaches to identity have been employed to explore issues in Japan's international relations. One views identity as constituted by domestic norms and culture, and as constitutive of interests, which in turn cause behaviour. Proponents view Japan's ‘pacifist’ and ‘antimilitarist’ identity as inherently stable and likely to change only as a result of material factors. In the other approach, ‘Japan’ emerges and changes through processes of differentiation vis-à-vis ‘Others’. Neither ‘domestic’ nor ‘material’ factors can exist outside of such identity constructions. We argue that the second, relational, approach is more theoretically sound, but begs three questions. First, how can different identity constructions in relation to numerous Others be synthesised and understood comprehensively? Second, how can continuity and change be handled in the same relational framework? Third, what is the point of analysing identity in relational terms? This article addresses the first two questions by introducing an analytical framework consisting of three mutually interacting layers of identity construction. Based on the articles in this special issue, we argue that identity entrepreneurs and emotions are particularly likely to contribute to change within this model. We address the third question by stressing common ground with the first approach: identity enables and constrains behaviour. In the case of Japan, changes in identity construction highlighted by the articles in this special issue forebode a political agenda centred on strengthening Japan militarily.

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  • 31.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    Department of Economic History and International Relations, Stockholm University, (SWE), Swedish Institute of International Affairs (SWE).
    Narrative power: how storytelling shapes East Asian international politics2019In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, ISSN 0955-7571, E-ISSN 1474-449X, Vol. 32, no 4, p. 387-406Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    We are living at a time when people appear to have become more aware of the power of narratives in international politics. Understanding how narratives exercise power is therefore more pertinent than ever. This special issue develops the concept of narrative power for international relations research by focusing on East Asia—the region that has been at the centre of debates about international power shifts since the 1990s. This introduction seeks to elucidate and define four key binary distinctions: (a) narrative power as understood from the perspective of an individualist versus a narrative ontology; (b) narrative power as explanandum versus explanans; (c) narrative power as more prone to continuity or change; and (d) the scholar as a detached observer of narrative power versus the scholar as a narrative entrepreneur and a potential wielder of power. Informed by the individual contributions, the introduction demonstrates how and with what implications research on narrative power can negotiate and traverse these binary distinctions.

  • 32.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    Department of Economic History and International Relations, Stockholm University, (SWE).
    The limitations of strategic narratives: The Sino-American struggle over the meaning of COVID-192021In: Contemporary Security Policy, ISSN 1352-3260, E-ISSN 1743-8764, Vol. 42, no 4, p. 415-449Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Recent research has explored how the Sino-American narrative struggle around COVID-19 might affect power shift dynamics and world order. An underlying assumption is that states craft strategic narratives in attempts to gain international support for their understandings of reality. This article evaluates such claims taking a mixed-methods approach. It analyzes American and Chinese strategic narratives about the pandemic, and their global diffusion and resonance in regional states that are important to the U.S.-led world order: Australia, India, South Korea, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. While the article confirms that strategic narratives remain a highly popular policy instrument, it argues that their efficacy appears limited. Overall, the five states in question either ignored the Sino-American narrative power battle by disseminating their own strategic narratives, or they engaged in “narrative hedging.” Moreover, even China’s narrative entrepreneurship was enabled and constrained by pre-existing master narratives integral to the current U.S.-led world order.

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  • 33.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI), Sweden.
    Hanssen, Ulv
    Soka University, Japan.
    Japan's Pacifism Is Dead2018In: Survival (London. 1959), ISSN 0039-6338, E-ISSN 1468-2699, Vol. 60, no 6, p. 137-158Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Japan can now do more or less everything that other, more ‘normal’ countries do in the security field.

  • 34.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, (SWE).
    Ha, Thao-Nguyen
    Uppsala University, (SWE).
    Öberg, Dan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Air Operations Section.
    Everyday Perspectives on Security and Insecurity in Japan: A Survey of Three Women’s Organizations2022In: Social Science Japan Journal, ISSN 1369-1465, E-ISSN 1468-2680, Vol. 25, no 1, p. 29-54Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The existing research on Japanese security focuses mainly on the nation state and conceives of male elites as the key bearers of relevant knowledge about the phenomenon. This article problematizes these biases by zeroing in on women’s everyday-oriented perspectives, which fall outside the scope of security politics as traditionally conceived. More specifically, it analyzes the rich material provided by a survey of the members of three major Japanese women’s organizations, using a mixed-method approach premised on statistical methods and qualitative content analysis. The results show that the Japanese women in our sample accommodate and reproduce content from dominant elite views about security and insecurity. However, they also challenge and at times ignore these perspectives by identifying a host of other insecurities as more pressing in their daily lives, notably those related to environmental degradation and Japan’s political development.

  • 35.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Hanssen, Ulv
    Freie Universität Berlin, Tyskland.
    The North Korean abduction issue: Emotions, securitisation and the reconstruction of Japanese identity from ‘aggressor’ to ‘victim’ and from ‘pacifist’ to ‘normal’2016In: Identity change and foreign policy: Japan and its 'others' / [ed] Linus Hagström, London and New York: Routledge, 2016, p. 71-93Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 36.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section. Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Hanssen, Ulv
    The Free University of Berlin.
    The North Korean abduction issue: emotions, securitisation and the reconstruction of Japanese identity from 'aggressor' to 'victim' and from 'pacifist' to 'normal'2015In: The Pacific Review, ISSN 0951-2748, E-ISSN 1470-1332, Vol. 28, no 1, p. 71-93Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    After Kim Jong-il's confession in 2002 that North Korean agents had abducted thirteen Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s, North Korea has become the most detested country in Japan, and the normalisation of bilateral relations has been put on the back burner. The abduction issue has taken precedence in Japan even over North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. It has also grossly overshadowed the atrocities for which Imperial Japan was responsible in the 20th century. Why has there been such strong emphasis on an issue that could be disregarded as comparatively ‘less important’? This article understands the ascendency of the abduction issue as the epitome of an identity shift under way in Japan – from the identity of a curiously ‘peaceful’ and inherently ‘abnormal’ state, to that of a more ‘normal’ one. The differentiation of North Korea as ‘abnormal’ emphasises Japan's own (claim to) ‘normality’. Indeed, by incarnating the perils of Japan's own ‘pacifist’ ‘abnormality’, which has been so central to the collective sense of Japanese ‘Self’ in the post-war period, the abduction issue has become a very emotional argument for Japan's ‘normalisation’ in security and defence terms. The transformation from ‘abnormal’ to ‘normal’ is further enabled by Japan trading places with North Korea in the discourse, so that Japan is defined as ‘victim’ (rather than former aggressor) and North Korea as ‘aggressor’ (rather than former victim). What is at stake here is the question whether Japan is ‘normalising’ or ‘remilitarising’, and the role of the abduction issue discourse in enabling such foreign and security policy change.

  • 37.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Hanssen, Ulv
    The Free University of Berlin.
    War is Peace: The Re-articulation of ‘Peace’ in Japan’s China Discourse2016In: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 42, no 2, p. 266-286Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article demonstrates that a national identity defined by a normative commitment to peace is not necessarily an antidote to remilitarisation and war. More specifically, the article takes issue with the debate about the trajectory of Japan’s security and defence policy. One strand of the debate holds that Japan is normatively committed to peace while the other claims that Japan is in the process of remilitarising. This article argues that the two positions are not mutually exclusive – a point that has been overlooked in the literature. The article uses discourse analysis to trace how ‘peace’ was discussed in debates about China in the Japanese Diet in 1972 and 2009–12. It demonstrates how rearticulations by right wing discourses in the latter period have depicted peace as something that must be defended actively, and thus as compatible with remilitarisation or military normalisation. Japan’s changing peace identity could undermine rather than stabilise peaceful relations with its East Asian neighbours.

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  • 38.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi.
    Isaksson, Erik
    Institute for Security and Development Policy, Stockholm, (SWE).
    Pacifist Identity, Civics Textbooks, and the Opposition to Japan's Security Legislation2019In: Journal of Japanese Studies, ISSN 0095-6848, E-ISSN 1549-4721, Vol. 45, no 1, p. 31-55Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines Japanese processes of self-formation as reflected in junior high school civics textbooks, comparing books published in 1990 and 2012. It demonstrates surprising continuity in how books from the two years construct a pacifist self in sharp contrast to Japan's prewar and wartime belligerence. We argue that this kind of antagonistic temporal othering has continued to socialize Japanese students into a "peace identity" and helps to explain the strong grassroots opposition to the Japanese government's 2015 announcement of laws to back up its position that Japan can exercise collective self-defense.

  • 39.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI).
    Jerdén, BjörnStockholm universitet och Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI).
    The East Asian Power Shift: A Critical Appraisal2014Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 40.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Lundborg, Tom
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Nato-förespråkarnas argumentation alltför förenklad2015In: Dagens nyheter, ISSN 1101-2447, Vol. 06-12, p. 1Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 41.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Lundborg, Tom
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Natomedlemskap gör Sverige mindre säkert2015In: Dagens nyheter, ISSN 1101-2447, Vol. 06-09, p. 1Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 42.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    Lundström, Magnus
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs, (SWE).
    Overcoming US-North Korean Enmity: Lessons from an Eclectic IR Approach2019In: The International Spectator: Italian Journal of International Affairs, ISSN 0393-2729, E-ISSN 1751-9721, Vol. 54, no 4, p. 94-108Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Periods of mutual enmity in US-North Korean relations are typically interrupted by more conciliatory gestures. How can the many twists and turns in this relationship be explained and hopefully overcome so that more long-lasting détente is accomplished? Drawing eclectically on realism and constructivism, we conclude that a nuclear deal should address not only North Korea’s interests in security and regime survival, but also its status concerns. Applying the same theories to the other part of the dyad – the US – we conclude that it may now have material interests in ameliorating the relationship, but that such a development requires US foreign policy discourse to cease depicting North Korea as “irrational” and “evil”.

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  • 43.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Moberg, PiaGöteborgs universitet.
    Japan nu: Strömningar och perspektiv2015Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 44.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    Nordin, Astrid
    Lancaster University China Centre, Lancaster University, United Kingdom (GBR); Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden (SWE).
    China's “Politics of Harmony” and the Quest for Soft Power in International Politics2020In: International Studies Review, ISSN 1521-9488, E-ISSN 1468-2486, Vol. 22, no 3, p. 507-525, article id viz023Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article engages with China's “politics of harmony” to investigate the dangers and possibilities of soft power as a concept and practice. Chinese sources claim that China will be able to exercise soft power due to its tradition of thinking about harmony. Indeed, the concept of harmony looms large in Chinese soft power campaigns, which differentiate China's own harmonious soft power from the allegedly disharmonious hard power of other great powers—in particular Western powers and Japan. Yet, similarly dichotomizing harmony discourses have been employed precisely in the West and Japan. In all three cases, such harmony discourses set a rhetorical trap, forcing audiences to empathize and identify with the “harmonious” self or risk being violently “harmonized.” There is no doubt that the soft power of harmony is coercive. More importantly, the present article argues that it has legitimized and enabled oppressive, homogenizing, and bellicose expansionism and rule in the West and Japan. A similarly structured exercise of soft power may enable violence in and beyond China, too. Ultimately, however, we argue that China's own tradition of thinking about harmony may help us to theorize how soft power might be exercised in less antagonistic and violent ways.

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  • 45.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    Pan, Chengxin
    Deakin University, Australia (AUS).
    Traversing the Soft/Hard Power Binary: The Case of the Sino-Japanese Territorial Dispute2020In: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 46, no 1, p. 37-55Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Soft power and hard power are conceptualised in International Relations as empirically and normatively dichotomous, and practically opposite – one intangible, attractive, and legitimate, the other tangible, coercive, and less legitimate. This article critiques this binary conceptualisation, arguing that it is discursively constructed with and for the construction of Self and Other. It further demonstrates that practices commonly labelled and understood as soft power and hard power are closely interconnected. Best understood as ‘representational force’ and ‘physical force’ respectively, soft and hard power intertwine through the operation of productive and disciplinary forms of power. We illustrate this argument by analysing the Sino-Japanese dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. Both governments exercise representational force in constructing their respective versions of events and Self/Other. The soft/hard power binary itself plays a performative role as the Self is typically associated with soft power and the Other with hard power. The operation of productive power, moreover, privileges the attractiveness of the former and the repellence of the latter, and disciplinary power physically enforces these distinctions on subjects in both states. Finally, reinforced Self/Other distinctions legitimise preparations for violence against the Other on both sides, thus exposing how fundamentally entangled soft and hard power are in practice.

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  • 46.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division.
    Wagnsson, Charlotte
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division.
    Lundström, Magnus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Political Science and Law, Political Science Division.
    Logics of Othering: Sweden as Other in the time of COVID-192023In: Cooperation and Conflict, ISSN 0010-8367, E-ISSN 1460-3691, Vol. 58, no 3, p. 315-334Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    ‘Othering’ – the view or treatment of another person or group as intrinsically different from and alien to oneself – is a central concept in the International Relations literature on identity construction. It is often portrayed as a fairly singular and predominantly negative form of self/Other differentiation. During the first months of the COVID-19 pandemic, Sweden at first glance emerged as exactly such a negative Other. This article problematises such a view of Othering. Departing from a narrative analysis of news reporting on Sweden’s management of COVID-19 in the United States, Germany and the Nordic states, the article proposes an ideal type model with four forms of Othering – emotional, strategic, analytic and nuanced – not recognised in previous research. These types differ in their treatment of the Other as more or less significant and in involving a more or less self-reflexive construction of the self. Although narratives in all these settings drew on previously established narratives on Sweden, they followed different logics. This has implications for our understanding of Sweden as an Other in the time of COVID-19, as well as of self/Other relations in International Relations more broadly.

  • 47.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI).
    Weissmann, Mikael
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI).
    Nordkorea måste hanteras varsamt2010Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 48.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section. The Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Weissmann, Mikael
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Land Operations Section. The Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Hanssen, Ulv
    The Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Allt bör göras för att bygga relationer med Nordkorea2017In: Dagens Nyheter, ISSN 1101-2447Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 49.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI).
    Weissmann, Mikael
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI).
    Hanssen, Ulv
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI).
    Hot och isolering fel strategi i konflikten med Nordkorea2013Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 50.
    Hanssen, Ulv
    et al.
    Japaninstitutet, Handelshögskolan, Stockholm, Sverige; FU Berlin.
    Hagström, Linus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Weissmann, Mikael
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Tactical Warfare Division, Land Operations Section.
    Tøffere press og sanksjoner mot Nord-Korea er ineffektivt og kanskje også kontraproduktivt2017In: Verdens gang, ISSN 0806-0894, article id 9 oktoberArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
12 1 - 50 of 55
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