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  • 1.
    Alvinius, Aida
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Ledarskapscentrum.
    Holmberg, Arita
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört). Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    SILENCE-BREAKING BUTTERFLY EFFECT: RESISTANCE TOWARDS THE MILITARY WITHIN #METOO2019Ingår i: Gender, Work and Organization, ISSN 0968-6673, E-ISSN 1468-0432, ISSN 1468-0432Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Systemic violence against women in the military has existed for decades, but they have mostly refrained from public resistance. However, in the context of the #Metoo‐movement in Sweden, 1768 women published a call for an end to violence and sexual harassment in the military. We analyze this call as a public resistance effort against the military and find that #Metoo is: 1) challenging the norms of the hyper‐masculine military organization, making resistance towards it visible, and 2) resisting the practices of sexual harassment and lack of responsibility in the military organization. The military organization is questioned when it comes to norms and practices, but there are variations in whether the social order of the military is truly challenged. Still, the call highlights the fragmentation of this “last bastion of masculinity”. More research is needed on the erosion of the militarized norms and practices and the effects of the call.

  • 2.
    Alvinius, Aida
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Ledarskapscentrum.
    Holmberg, Arita
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    Hobbins, Jennifer
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Ledarskapscentrum.
    Nya perspektiv på lärarnas arbetsmiljöproblematik: läraren som säkerhets- och krishanteringsaktör2018Ingår i: Socialmedicinsk Tidskrift, ISSN 0037-833X, Vol. 95, nr 4, s. 399-406Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [sv]

    Artikeln problematiserar läraryrkets koppling till säkerhets- och krishanteringsfältet samt hur denna kan förväntas inverka på lärarnas arbetsmiljö. Baserad på litteraturstudier med fokus på yrkesgruppen lärares närmande till fältet säkerhet och krishantering, mynnar analysen ut i två potentiella utmaningar a) arbetsmiljöproblem relaterade till den nya lärarrollen och b) genusaspekter som uppstår vid kopplingen till säkerhets- och krishanteringsfältet. Lärarnas arbetsmiljö utmanas med anledning av nya krav att hantera kriser och agera som säkerhetsaktörer. Yrkesgruppen kan ställas inför nya uppgifter som traditionellt sett har hanterats av räddningstjänst och polis. I denna kontext aktualiseras föreställningar om genus kopplade till dessa tidigare separata yrkesgrupper. Kvinnodominerade yrkesgrupper riskerar här att underordnas. Kommunal resursallokering har hittills exkluderat lärare som kris- och säkerhetsaktörer vilket riskerar förstärka arbetsmiljöproblemen.

  • 3.
    Alvinius, Aida
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Ledarskapscentrum.
    Holmberg, Arita
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    Johansson, Eva
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Ledarskapscentrum.
    Do military leaders resist organizational challenges?2019Ingår i: Journal of Resistance Studies, ISSN 2001-9947, Vol. 5, nr 1Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Armed forces in many Western countries have been facing societal change processes for more than twenty years; including value changes, government savings and, more recently, by the unstable security environment. The starting point here is that there is a relationship between processes of societal change and organizational challenges. The purpose of this study is to examine how military leaders manage and respond to different kinds of organizational challenges, focusing on resistance. The empirical material was collected using a grounded theory approach. Informants possessing wide experience of leadership participated in this study. The qualitative analysis describes the coping strategies, acceptance and resistance found among military leaders when dealing with organizational demands. Challenges caused by societal changes are experienced as negative aspects of organizational structure. This may be an explanation for why military leaders cope with them applying both resistance and acceptance. However, our main conclusion is that resistance to change stays within a culture of obedience.

  • 4.
    Alvinius, Aida
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Ledarskapscentrum.
    Holmberg, Arita
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    Larsson, Gerry
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Ledarskapscentrum.
    Leading a Military Organization Effectively in a State of Post-Scarcity2018Ingår i: From Knowing to Doing: International Perspectives on Leading Effectively / [ed] Daniel J. Watola & Allister MacIntyre, Kingston, Ontario: Canadian Defence Academy Press , 2018, s. 105-128Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 5.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    A brief intellectual history of geopolitical thought and its relevance to the Baltic Sea region2018Ingår i: Global Affairs, ISSN 2334-0460, E-ISSN 2334-0479, Vol. 4, nr 4-5, s. 475-485Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article outlines a general history of the intellectual origins and development of geopolitical thought. It provides categories for assessing contemporary expressions of this phenomenon, and then discusses the applicability of these tools to the Baltic Sea region. The article focuses on eliciting and juxtaposing contrasts between the three classical bodies of literature that evolved largely in parallel, and ends up briefly commenting on a fourth, partly “critical” approach. The main takeaway is that considering all four geopolitical approaches before applying any of them to the Baltic Sea realm encourages analysts to embrace a more holistic and dynamic viewpoint than each of the alternatives individually can offer. Such a conceptualization promises to forge analytical linkages between a series of relevant, geographically contingent circumstances including resources, arenas and communities that represent prerequisites and opportunities incrisis, conflict, or war.

  • 6.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    Final reflections2018Ingår i: Global Affairs, ISSN 2334-0460, E-ISSN 2334-0479, Vol. 4, nr 4-5, s. 551-554Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 7.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    Kärnvapen i en alltmer multipolär värld: forskningsöversikt och jämförande analys av amerikansk, brittisk, fransk och rysk doktrin2018Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The first part of this report provides an overview of the history of nuclear weapons doctrine, as it evolved in parallel to the practice of warfare and war planning in the mid-1940s and subsequently as an integral element of the cold war. A distinction is made between the early development of nuclear weapons doctrine, when United States held a dominant position in the field, and the near-parity situation that ensued in the late 1960s and onwards. The second part of the report consists of an analysis of American, British, French and Russian nuclear weapons doctrine between 1991 and 2018, illustrating how a period of low tension was gradually replaced with a reinvigoration of mutual suspicion after the year 2000. A third part briefly examines recent contributions to the American scholarly debate about the utility of nuclear weapons for strategic thought in a world moving toward polycentrism, as it revisits earlier theoretical insights and challenges conventional wisdoms. The fourth and final part elicits lessons for Sweden in particular.

    Overall, the report demonstrates that nuclear weapons consistently have represented an integral element of managing security risks in the Western hemisphere but that domestic political and defense industry considerations play in as well. It also suggests that doctrinal adjustments mirror the major concerns of policymakers in this regard and that nuclear powers are well aware of special obligations and privileges ascribed to them by countries that lack this category of weapons. A world in which the United States wields the greatest share of this power (unipolarity) will nonetheless be quite different from one in which two countries possess roughly the same capacity (bipolarity), and yet fundamentally different from one in which three or more countries compete to gain, or sustain, an edge toward others (multipolarity).

    To the extent that the world is moving toward greater security competition including the dimension of nuclear power, it will inevitably be more difficult for individual states to remain on the sidelines, unless they are ready to compromise their political autonomy. In terms of options for aligning Sweden with a broader security arrangement in the near future, there are only three feasible alternatives that may offset the risk of nuclear coercion: responding within the framework of the EU, forge closer ties to NATO, or build a bilateral relationship to the United States. Each such option comes with its own set of assets and liabilities, as does remaining a passive bystander.

  • 8.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    USA:s bilaterala säkerhets- och försvarsuppgörelser: kartläggning och karakterisering av en ofta underskattad dimension2018Ingår i: Kungl Krigsvetenskapsakademiens Handlingar och Tidskrift, ISSN 0023-5369, nr 3, s. 74-93Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article provides an overview and concise analysis of the often underappreciated bilateral security and defense agreements that the United States entertains with a significant number of countries around the world. It sets out by emphasizing the role of the United States in sustaining the world order at a systemic level and notes that Washington’s bilateral relations, albeit forming a significant part of the overall security and defense arrangements, receive much less attention than multilateral alliances and systemically conditioned alignments.  After briefly reviewing recent literature on this subject, the article examines the process by which the United States enters into agreements of varying legal and political status, and then discusses the ramifications and limitations of the respective types of arrangements.  In turn, the article examines formal bilateral treaties (mainly with East Asian states), politically motivated security and defense agreements (mainly in the wider Middle East), and, lastly, executive agreements initiated by the presidential administration, the Defense Department or the State Department. The article ends by suggesting that the administration of Donald J. Trump—given campaign statements and the first six months in office—is less likely than many of its predecessors to enter into new agreements and formalize existing alignments, and that the viability of existing ones may become increasingly dependent on America’s counterparts demonstrably living up to their end of the bargain. 

  • 9.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    et al.
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Hagström, Linus
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    What Is the Point?: Teaching Graduate Students how to Construct Political Science Research Puzzles2018Ingår i: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, E-ISSN 1682-0983, Vol. 17, nr 4, s. 634-648Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    One of the key challenges graduate students face is how to come up with a good rationale for their theses. Unfortunately, the methods literature in and beyond political science does not provide much advice on this important issue. While focusing on how to conduct research, this literature has largely neglected the question of why a study should be undertaken. The limited discussions that can be found suggest that new research is justified if it (1) fills a ‘gap’; (2) addresses an important real-world problem; and/or (3) is methodologically rigorous. This article discusses the limitations of these rationales. Then, it proposes that research puzzles are more useful for clarifying the nature and importance of a contribution to existing research, and hence a better way of justifying new research. The article also explores and clarifies what research puzzles are, and begins to devise a method for constructing them out of the vague ideas and questions that often trigger a research process. 

  • 10.
    Hagström, Linus
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    Becoming a traitor2019Ingår i: Life Writing, ISSN 1448-4528, E-ISSN 1751-2964, s. 1-9Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this autobiographical essay, I narrate my experience of being positioned in public as naive in my profession and a traitor to my country after publishing an op-ed in Sweden’s largest daily newspaper, in which I argued that Sweden should not join NATO — the transatlantic military alliance. Some of the negative reactions came from within my own workplace. I had just been promoted to Professor at the Swedish Defence University and colleagues thought I had also betrayed them and the university by publishing the piece. In this essay, I disclose some of the reactions I encountered but, more importantly, I try to understand the effect they had on me, recounting my own inner dialogue of shame and resistance. At times I worried that I lacked expertise or even secretly harboured an affinity with the country that is now seen to motivate a Swedish NATO membership — i.e. Russia. At other times, I tried to turn the tables on the stigmatisers, claiming that it was they who had to change. While I work in a highly militarised environment, I think the fear of social death and professional shame I explore in this essay has broader resonance.

  • 11.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Japan's Pacifism Is Dead2018Ingår i: Survival (London. 1959), ISSN 0039-6338, E-ISSN 1468-2699, Vol. 60, nr 6, s. 137-158Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Japan can now do more or less everything that other, more ‘normal’ countries do in the security field.

  • 12.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    Lundström, Magnus
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    Overcoming US-North Korean Enmity: Lessons from an Eclectic IR Approach2019Ingår i: The International Spectator: Italian Journal of International Affairs, ISSN 0393-2729, E-ISSN 1751-9721, Vol. 54, nr 4, s. 94-108Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Periods of mutual enmity in US-North Korean relations are typically interrupted by more conciliatory gestures. How can the many twists and turns in this relationship be explained and hopefully overcome so that more long-lasting détente is accomplished? Drawing eclectically on realism and constructivism, we conclude that a nuclear deal should address not only North Korea’s interests in security and regime survival, but also its status concerns. Applying the same theories to the other part of the dyad – the US – we conclude that it may now have material interests in ameliorating the relationship, but that such a development requires US foreign policy discourse to cease depicting North Korea as “irrational” and “evil”.

  • 13.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    Nordin, Astrid
    Lancaster University China Centre, Lancaster University, United Kingdom; Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    China's “Politics of Harmony” and the Quest for Soft Power in International Politics2019Ingår i: International Studies Review, ISSN 1521-9488, E-ISSN 1468-2486, s. 1-19, artikel-id viz023Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article engages with China's “politics of harmony” to investigate the dangers and possibilities of soft power as a concept and practice. Chinese sources claim that China will be able to exercise soft power due to its tradition of thinking about harmony. Indeed, the concept of harmony looms large in Chinese soft power campaigns, which differentiate China's own harmonious soft power from the allegedly disharmonious hard power of other great powers—in particular Western powers and Japan. Yet, similarly dichotomizing harmony discourses have been employed precisely in the West and Japan. In all three cases, such harmony discourses set a rhetorical trap, forcing audiences to empathize and identify with the “harmonious” self or risk being violently “harmonized.” There is no doubt that the soft power of harmony is coercive. More importantly, the present article argues that it has legitimized and enabled oppressive, homogenizing, and bellicose expansionism and rule in the West and Japan. A similarly structured exercise of soft power may enable violence in and beyond China, too. Ultimately, however, we argue that China's own tradition of thinking about harmony may help us to theorize how soft power might be exercised in less antagonistic and violent ways.

  • 14.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    Pan, Chengxin
    Deakin University, Australia.
    Traversing the Soft/Hard Power Binary: The Case of the Sino-Japanese Territorial Dispute2019Ingår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Soft power and hard power are conceptualised in International Relations as empirically and normatively dichotomous, and practically opposite – one intangible, attractive, and legitimate, the other tangible, coercive, and less legitimate. This article critiques this binary conceptualisation, arguing that it is discursively constructed with and for the construction of Self and Other. It further demonstrates that practices commonly labelled and understood as soft power and hard power are closely interconnected. Best understood as ‘representational force’ and ‘physical force’ respectively, soft and hard power intertwine through the operation of productive and disciplinary forms of power. We illustrate this argument by analysing the Sino-Japanese dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. Both governments exercise representational force in constructing their respective versions of events and Self/Other. The soft/hard power binary itself plays a performative role as the Self is typically associated with soft power and the Other with hard power. The operation of productive power, moreover, privileges the attractiveness of the former and the repellence of the latter, and disciplinary power physically enforces these distinctions on subjects in both states. Finally, reinforced Self/Other distinctions legitimise preparations for violence against the Other on both sides, thus exposing how fundamentally entangled soft and hard power are in practice.

  • 15.
    Hammarstedt, Anna
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    Swallowing Stories2017Ingår i: Journal of Narrative Politics, ISSN 2368-2507, Vol. 4, nr 1, s. 13-23Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 16.
    Hjorth, Ronnie
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    Civil Association Across Borders: Law, Morality and Responsibility in the Post-Brexit Era2018Ingår i: Journal of International Political Theory, ISSN 1755-0882, E-ISSN 1755-1722, Vol. 14, nr 3, s. 299-313Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Michael Oakeshott’s distinction between ‘civil association’ and ‘enterprise association’ has inspired international society theorists to conceive of international society as not just a ‘purposive association’ constructed by states to satisfy their interests but also as a ‘practical association’ providing formal and pragmatic rules that are not instrumental to particular goals of state policy. While this article is supportive of the Oakeshottian turn in international society theory, it suggests that somewhat different conclusions can be drawn from it. The article sketches out an alternative conception of international ‘civil association’, one that transcends the boundaries of communities. It is argued that such a notion of civil association is both possible and at the same time anchored in the experiences of the modern state. It is suggested that this notion of international civil association, when sustained by an adequate legal conception, promotes the enforcement of moral and political responsibility across borders. Finally, it is argued that European governments post-Brexit should strive to retain, as much as possible, the element of civil association present in European relations in order to preserve the civil condition, the rule of law, and in order to enhance political responsibility across borders.

  • 17.
    Hjorth, Ronnie
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    Förändrad amerikansk syn på krig och krigstillstånd sedan 2001: utrikes- och säkerhetspolitiska konsekvenser2018Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 18.
    Hjorth, Ronnie
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    The Romance of Realism: Pessimism as Tragedy2019Ingår i: Pessimism in international relations: provocations, possibilities, politics / [ed] Tim Stevens & Nicholas Michelsen, Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, 1, s. 37-52Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter argues that realism in International Relations embraces a romantic account of politics in sharp contrast to its scientific pretentions. Central to the romance of realism is the tragic and pessimistic outlook which reveals the connection between Romanticism and realism, shaping a mythical account of power politics. It is argued that the recurring tragic narrative is more than a way to moderate liberal hubris. It makes it possible to convey to the public a political pessimism building on established narratives reserving the finer moral and political understanding of realism for political theorists and diplomats. Looking backwards for patterns of ‘recurrence and repetition’ and the tragic narrative make realism vulnerable to nostalgia, forming ‘retrotopic’ visions of the future or seeking to restore ‘arcadian’ images of past glory.

  • 19.
    Holmberg, Arita
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört). Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    Alvinius, Aida
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Ledarskapscentrum.
    Children’s protest in relation to the climate emergency: a qualitative study on a new form of resistance promoting political and social change2019Ingår i: Childhood, ISSN 0907-5682, E-ISSN 1461-7013, s. 1-15, artikel-id https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0907568219879970Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores children’s resistance in relation to the climate emergency through a thematic analysis of climate activist Greta Thunberg’s speeches. Two themes, new to the literature, are identified: (1) need for political and social change focusing on the climate emergency, resistance towards laissez-faire behaviour and exhortations, and (2) resistance targets including the political leaders, capitalist ideologies and older generations. This illustrates the power of children in expressing abstract progressive resistance.

  • 20.
    Holmberg, Arita
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    Alvinius, Aida
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Ledarskapscentrum.
    How Pressure for Change Challenge Military Organizational Characteristics2019Ingår i: Defence Studies, ISSN 1470-2436, E-ISSN 1743-9698Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article elaborates on how structural, normative and functional pressures for change may challenge military organizational characteristics. We problematize theoretically and exemplify empirically what consequences these pressures can have on military organizational characteristics, arguing that they constitute major challenges for managing in particular normative pressures for change. The empirical examples suggest that bureaucratic, hierarchical, narcissistic and greedy traits of the organization are challenged by normative pressures such as value changes and normalization. Another source of challenge is professionalization processes. Structural challenges, on the other hand, are managed by the organization and do not seem to inhibit the workings of organizational characteristics. The plausibility probe conducted questions the sustainability of military organizational characteristics in their traditional disguise, in particular due to legitimacy concerns. It is suggested that future research should be directed towards analyzing how military organizations manage pressure for change and whether their characteristics are questioned.

  • 21.
    Olsson, Eva-Karin
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för krishantering och internationell samverkan.
    Wagnsson, Charlotte
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    Hammargård, Kajsa
    Department of Economic History, Stockholm University.
    The use of political communication by international organizations: the case of EU and NATO2019Ingår i: Countering online propaganda and violent extremism: the dark side of digital diplomacy / [ed] Bjola, Corneliu; Pamment, James, London: Routledge, 2019, 1, s. 66-80Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 22.
    Schmidt-Felzmann, Anke
    et al.
    General Jonas Žemaitis Military Academy of Lithuania, Vilnius, Lithuania.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhet.
    Challenges in the Baltic Sea region: geopolitics, insecurity and identity2018Ingår i: Global Affairs, ISSN 2334-0460, E-ISSN 2334-0479, Vol. 4, nr 4-5, s. 445-466Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article addresses the changing security environment in the Baltic Sea region and reviews the patterns of cooperation and conflict since the end of the Cold War. The exploration starts from the concerns voiced by analysts since 2014 that the Baltic Sea could become the scene for a military confrontation with Russia. The article reviews the scholarly debates and examines the insights gained from past developments in the region. It underlines the utility of cooperation to address emerging security challenges and highlights the drivers of insecurity and threat perceptions, revealing the importance of changes in the sense ofidentity and belonging across the region. The article situates the contributions to the Forum -- The Return of Geopolitics to the Baltic Sea Region -- in the context of the lessons that can be drawn from the shifts and changes that have taken place in the region in the last three decades.

  • 23.
    Wagnsson, Charlotte
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen, Sektionen för säkerhetspolitik och strategi.
    Hellman, Maria
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen.
    Normative Power Europe Caving In?: EU under Pressure of Russian Information Warfare2018Ingår i: Journal of Common Market Studies, ISSN 0021-9886, E-ISSN 1468-5965, Vol. 56, nr 5, s. 1161-1177Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Scholars have characterized the EU as a normative power whose greatest asset is to be able to shape conceptions of what is ‘normal’ in international affairs. Scholars have argued that a normative power has to meet certain discursive standards; representing others in a non‐antagonistic, humble way. We question whether the EU can live up to this ideal when defending itself against Russian strategic communication. The empirical enquiry establishes that while the EU High Commissioner communicates in line with the stipulated standards, the newly established East Stratcom Taskforce and its publication ‘Disinformation Digest’ diverges from this ideal. The establishment of the Taskforce has led to the EU losing reflexivity and normative power. The article concludes that while Diez’ and Manners’ standards are utopian in the contemporary communicative climate, they remain useful as guiding rules that can help normative powers ‘watch their language’ and avoid doing unnecessary harm.

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