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  • 1.
    Axelsson, Jörgen
    et al.
    Försvarsmakten.
    Sörenson, Karl
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, War Studies Division, Sektionen för marina operationer (KV Marin).
    Ångström, Jan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Strategisk teoris bidrag till förståelse av svensk säkerhets- och försvarspolitik2016In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 118, no 4, p. 445-470Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    What is the added value of strategic theory in the understanding of Swedish securityand defence policies? By introducing a series of concepts that identify policiesthat are pursued in both peace and war such as escalation, deterrence, andweapons acquisition, we argue that strategic concepts contribute to the analysisof Swedish security policy mainly by highlighting forms of policy that do not conceptuallyrest upon the dichotomy of war and peace. Differently from mainstreamscholarly analysis that treats deterrence as one, uniform concept, we differentiatebetween four different logics of deterrence. Using this conceptual tool, we analyseSwedish policies in the 1950s and 2010s and discover that although Sweden pursueddeterrence during both this periods, her policies depend on a different logic. Bycomparison, 1950s Sweden understood to pursue deterrence understood as a wall,while 2010s Sweden understands the term in terms of a shield.

  • 2.
    Bachmann, Jan
    et al.
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Bell, ColleenUniversity of Saskatchewan, Kanada.Holmqvist, CarolineSwedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    War, police and assemblages of intervention2015Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This book reflects on the way in which war and police/policing intersect in contemporary Western-led interventions in the global South. The volume combines empirically oriented work with ground-breaking theoretical insights and aims to collect, for the first time, thoughts on how war and policing converge, amalgamate, diffuse and dissolve in the context both of actual international intervention and in understandings thereof.

    The book uses the caption WAR:POLICE to highlight the distinctiveness of this volume in presenting a variety of approaches that share a concern for the assemblage of war-police as a whole. The volume thus serves to bring together critical perspectives on liberal interventionism where the logics of war and police/policing blur and bleed into a complex assemblage of WAR:POLICE. Contributions to this volume offer an understanding of police as a technique of ordering and collectively take issue with accounts of the character of contemporary war that argue that war is simply reduced to policing. In contrast, the contributions show how – both historically and conceptually – the two are ‘always already’ connected. Contributions to this volume come from a variety of disciplines including international relations, war studies, geography, anthropology, and law but share a critical/poststructuralist approach to the study of international intervention, war and policing.

    This volume will be useful to students and scholars who have an interest in social theories on intervention, war, security, and the making of international order.

  • 3.
    Bergman Rosamond, Annika
    et al.
    Lunds universitet, (SWE).
    Wibben, Annick T.R.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Feministiska institutioner? Utrikespolitik och nationellt försvar2021In: Feministiska perspektiv på global politik / [ed] Emil Edenborg, Sofie Tornhill, Cecilia Åse, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2021, p. 83-94Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 4.
    Bergstrand, Anna
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    To Deploy or Not to Deploy a Parliamentary Army?: German Strategic Culture and International Military Operations2016In: European Participation in Military Operations: The Role of Strategic Culture / [ed] Malena Britz, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, p. 49-75Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 5.
    Bjarnesen, Mariam
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Agents of urban (in)security: contextualising the banning of political vigilantism in Ghana2021In: Journal of the British Academy, ISSN 2052-7217, Vol. 9, no s11, p. 19-39Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2019, a new law banning vigilantism was adopted in the West African nation of Ghana. The law followed years of debate and violent incidents related to the presence of informally mobilised so-called ‘political vigilantes’, charged with providing security during political events. At first glance, the ridding of such state-competing elements through legal measures appears unproblematic and in line with democratic values. However, as this article argues, by drawing on the case study of Ghana and the pre-2020 election phase, such legal actions against non-state actors can be problematic and, in the worst case, constitute a threat to security and stability if public trust in authorities and formal state security providers is not sufficiently solid. Grounded in a broader discussion on security in fragile contexts and urban centres on the African continent, this article analyses the consequences of banning vigilantism where formal security provision is weak or not fully trusted.

  • 6.
    Bjarnesen, Mariam
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    From Perpetrator to Protector?: Post-War Rebel Networks as Informal Security Providers in Liberia2016Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The dismantling of rebel structures at the end of civil war is often considered to be one of the most important aspects of a successful transition to peace. Combatants are expected to lay down their weapons, but also to abandon their wartime networks. Yet, peace agreements and subsequent Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes do not automatically, or necessarily, destroy rebel networks. In Liberia such structures have lingered since the war came to an end in 2003 and networks of ex-combatants are still active, though maintained and mobilised for new purposes.

    The security political situation in Liberia, with weak formal security institutions and a history of predatory behaviour, has created an environment where informal initiatives for security and protection are called upon. In such an environment informal security groups have a natural platform. Based on original interview material and findings from fieldwork this thesis examines how post-war rebel networks are organised and operate in the informal security arena, while describing the rationale behind these lingering features of war. By doing so this thesis sheds light on how the adaptive capacity of former rebel soldiers is utilised by various Liberian actors, and the risks, but also possible positive outcomes, of such a development.

    This dissertation follows individuals, former rebel commanders in particular, in post-war rebel networks from the time of war to 2013. We will see them, and ex-combatants around them, mobilised as ‘recycled’ warriors in times of regional wars and crisis, as vigilantes and informal security providers for economic and political purposes. Yet, we will also meet them when there are no specific event ex-combatants could be mobilised to fully examine the relevance of post-war rebel networks and ex-combatant identity in contemporary Liberia. In the conclusions basic underlying aims and purposes with the processes of demobilisation and reintegration are challenged. And as this thesis finds, one might even argue that these ex-combatants have succeeded in reintegrating themselves due to, not despite, the fact that they have not been demobilised.

  • 7.
    Bjarnesen, Mariam
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Repurposed Rebels: Postwar Rebel Networks in Liberia2020Book (Refereed)
  • 8.
    Bjarnesen, Mariam
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    The foot soldiers of Accra2020In: African Affairs, ISSN 0001-9909, E-ISSN 1468-2621, Vol. 119, no 475, p. 296-307Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 9.
    Bjarnesen, Mariam
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    The Winner Takes it All: Post-War Rebel Networks, Big Man Politics and the Threat of Violence in the 2011 Liberian Elections2018In: Violence in African Elections: between Democracy and Big Man Politics / [ed] Mimmi Söderberg Kovacs;Jesper Bjarnesen, Zed Books, 2018Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The holding of multiparty elections has become the bellwether by which all democracies are judged, and the spread of such systems across Africa has been widely hailed as a sign of the continent’s progress towards stability and prosperity. But such elections bring their own challenges, particularly the often intense internecine violence that can follow disputed results. While the consequences of such violence can be profound, undermining the legitimacy of the democratic process and in some cases plunging countries into civil war or renewed dictatorship, little is known about the causes of this violence. By mapping, analyzing, and comparing instances of election violence in different localities across Africa, this collection of detailed case studies sheds light on the underlying dynamics and sub-national causes behind electoral conflicts. It reveals them to be the result of a complex interplay between democratization and the older, patronage-based system of “Big Man” politics and offers practical suggestions for preventing such violence through improved electoral monitoring, voter education, and international assistance.Appealing to policy makers and scholars across the social sciences and humanities interested in democratization, peace-keeping, and peace studies, Violence in African Elections provides important insights into why some communities prove more prone to electoral violence than others, and what can be done to help more democracies succeed.

  • 10.
    Blomqvist, Linnéa
    et al.
    Department of Political Science, Umeå University, Umeå, (SWE).
    Olivius, Elisabeth
    Department of Political Science, Umeå University, Umeå, (SWE).
    Hedström, Jenny
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Care and silence in women’s everyday peacebuilding in Myanmar2021In: Conflict, Security and Development, ISSN 1467-8802, E-ISSN 1478-1174, Vol. 21, no 3, p. 223-244Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article draws on feminist perspectives on the everyday to explore women’s everyday experiences of peace in Kayah state in Myanmar. We locate the daily practices women engage in to maintain life and minimise violence, making visible women’s contributions to everyday peace. In addition, we examine the ways in which women are disproportionally affected by war and prevented from benefitting from post-war changes. Our findings demonstrate that practices of care and silence are key avenues for women’s everyday peacebuilding, through which women sustain peace, ensure survival, and minimise violence in their families and wider communities. At the same time, however, these practices are conditioned by and may contribute to gendered insecurity and marginalisation for women. Through this focus, our analysis shows how women’s positioning in gendered relations of power may both enable their agency in peacebuilding and reinforce their gendered inequality and marginalisation in the post-war period. We conclude that while everyday peace practices may hold the potential for positive change, these can also contribute to the reproduction of inequality, oppression and structural violence.

  • 11.
    Bove, Vincenzo
    et al.
    Department of Politics and International Studies (PAIS), University of Warwick, (GBR).
    Rivera, Mauricio
    Peace Research Institute Oslo, (NOR).
    Ruffa, Chiara
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy. Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Beyond coups: terrorism and military involvement in politics2020In: European Journal of International Relations, ISSN 1354-0661, E-ISSN 1460-3713, Vol. 26, no 1, p. 263-288Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A wealth of research in comparative politics and international relations examines how the military intervenes in politics via coups. We shift attention to broader forms of military involvement in politics beyond coups and claim that terrorist violence and the threat of terror attacks provide a window of opportunity for military intervention, without taking full control of state institutions. We highlight two mechanisms through which terrorism influences military involvement in politics: (1) government authorities demand military expertise to fight terrorism and strengthen national security and “pull” the armed forces into politics, and (2) state armed actors exploit their informational advantage over civilian authorities to “push” their way into politics and policy-making. A panel data analysis shows that domestic terror attacks and perceived threats from domestic and transnational terrorist organizations increase military involvement in politics. We illustrate the theoretical mechanisms with the cases of France (1995–1998 and 2015–2016) and Algeria (1989–1992).

  • 12.
    Bove, Vincenzo
    et al.
    Warwick, (GBR).
    Ruffa, Chiara
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy. Uppsala University.
    Ruggeri, Andrea
    Oxford University, (GBR).
    Composing Peace: Mission Composition in UN Peacekeeping2020 (ed. First edition)Book (Refereed)
  • 13.
    Brenner, Björn
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Arabisk sedvanerätt i Palestina2016In: Advokaten, ISSN 0281-3505, Vol. 82, no 6, p. 50-51Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Dagens palestinska rättsväsende är ett resultat av de olika rättstraditioner som under årens lopp rått på Västbanken, Gazaremsan och i östra Jerusalem. De statsmakter som under olika perioder har administrerat dessa områden – ottomanerna, britterna, jordanierna, egyptierna och israelerna – har var och en på sina sätt satt djupa avtryck i såväl det allmänna rättsmedvetandet som i nu rådande rättsregler. Störst avtryck bland alla dessa har dock en annan ännu tidigare rättstradition gjort: den arabiska sedvanerätten.

  • 14.
    Brenner, Björn
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Gaza Under Hamas: From Islamic Democracy to Islamist Governance2017Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Hamas is designated a terrorist organization by Israel, the EU, the USA and the UN. It has made itself notorious for its violent radicalism and uncompromising rejection of the Jewish state. So after its victory in the 2006 elections the world was watching. How would Hamas govern? Could an Islamist group without any experience of power - and with an unwavering ideology - manage to deal with day-to-day realities on the ground? Bjorn Brenner investigates what happened after the elections and puts the spotlight on the people over whom Hamas rules, rather than on its ideas. Lodging with Palestinian families and experiencing their daily encounters with Hamas, he offers an intimate perspective of the group as seen through local eyes. The book is based on hard-to-secure interviews with a wide range of key political and security figures in the Hamas administration, as well as with military commanders and members of the feared Qassam Brigades. Brenner has also sought out those that Hamas identifies as local trouble makers: the extreme Salafi-Jihadis and members of the now more quiescent mainstream Fatah party led by Mahmoud Abbas. The book provides a new interpretation of one of the most powerful forces in the Israel-Palestine arena, arguing that the Gazan Islamists carry a potential to be much more flexible and pragmatic than anticipated - if they would think they stand to gain from it. Gaza under Hamas investigates the key challenges to Hamas's authority and reveals why and in what ways ideology comes second to power consolidation.

  • 15.
    Brenner, Björn
    Swedish National Defence College, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy. Göteborgs universitet. Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten.
    Islamist governance Hamas style: readings from the Palestinian experiment in Islamic democracy2015Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This study investigates how the Palestinian Islamists in Hamas came to govern following theirsuccess in the 2006 parliamentary elections. The study poses the overarching research question:How can Hamas's governance in the Gaza Strip between 2006 and 2012 be characterised andunderstood? Hamas has attracted particular research interest, partly due to its seeminglycontradictory nature and actions, and partly due to the fact that this was the first case of Islamistsin the Arab world to ascend to power by democratic means. On the one hand, Hamas has led anarmed struggle against Israel which has even included suicide bombings against the Israelicivilian population. On the other hand, Hamas has more recently shown both the will and theability to participate in electoral processes in a peaceful and democratic fashion.

    As a result of this, the case of Hamas relates to two scholarly debates in particular. The firstdebate concerns the nature of Islamism - whether Islamist ideals can be considered fullycompatible with democracy. Ultimately, this debate has come to focus on what the democraticpotential of Islamists would mean in practice, should they get the chance to hold power. Thesecond debate concerns the nature of Hamas - how to comprehend the paradoxal conduct of thisactor and in what direction it is heading politically. There is also a strong extra-scientificrelevance to the study, as Hamas remains a powerful force in the Israeli-Palestinian arena. HowHamas is dealt with, both by Israel and the international community and by the Palestiniansthemselves, will have repercussions on when and in what shape the pending Palestinian state willmaterialise.

    Based on existing scholarship on this subject, the aim of this study holds theoretical,methodological and empirical ambitions: Theoretically, the study seeks to contribute to the twodebates mentioned above. Methodologically, it seeks to contribute by suggesting a newframework for the analysis of Islamist governance. Empirically, it contributes by adding a newcase study to the existing research on Islamists in power.

    The study addresses the research question by focusing on how the new government perceivedand reacted to three key challenges to its exercise of power: relating to the political system and themain opposition party; countering violent radicalisation and local splinter groups; and reestablishingsocietal order and reforming the legal system. The analysis is based on a recentlycollected set of primary data consisting of both observations and interviews. The respondentsinclude ministers, advisors and civil servants in the government, as well as military commanders,internal security personnel and members of the Qassam Brigades. They also include some of theHamas government's fiercest critics, notably Salafi-Jihadis, youth dissidents and members of theFatah party.

    The study finds that the Hamas government lacked the necessary organisation, knowledge andexperience to carry out its duties. It also finds that the government perceived itself to be subjectedto an imminent threat of being overthrown. The study shows that while the Hamas governmentwas far from fulfilling the democratic promises it had set out in its reform programme, it did notproceed to change the political system into any sort of Islamic theocracy governed by sharia. Asthe analysis concludes, Hamas's governance could be characterised neither as singularlyauthoritarian and Islamic, nor as merely democratic and secular. Rather, Islamist governanceHamas style has been a blurred combination of all these traits together, firmly guided by a farreachingideological pragmatism and a continuously perceived necessity for further powerconsolidation.

  • 16.
    Brenner, Björn
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Le Hamas et le monde2017In: Mediterranean Politics, ISSN 1362-9395, E-ISSN 1743-9418, Vol. 22, no 2, p. 311-314Article, book review (Refereed)
  • 17.
    Brenner, Björn
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Recension av "Palestinian Ethnonationalism in Israel"2015In: Mediterranean Politics, ISSN 1362-9395, E-ISSN 1743-9418, Vol. 20, no 3, p. 453-455Article, book review (Refereed)
  • 18.
    Brenner, Björn
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    The Deradicalization of Islamists by Islamists: Hamas's Kid Glove Approach to Salafi Jihadists in the Gaza Strip, 2010-20152017In: Strategic Assessment, ISSN 0793-8942, Vol. 20, no 1Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Hamas administration in the Gaza Strip first set out to crush the area’s Salafi jihadist groups by force. Once Hamas realized that the Salafi jihadi problem was more serious than it had first anticipated, however, Hamas’s approach shifted gradually, from a strategy of attempted elimination to one of containment and assimilation. Indeed, several of the pursued militants proved to be former colleagues from the Qassam Brigades who had grown disillusioned with Hamas and defected to fringe groups. This article examines how Hamas, as part of a new and progressive approach, aimed to rehabilitate these individuals by enrolling them in a prison-based deradicalization program that sought to appeal to a common ideological and religious base in Islam, treating Salafi jihadists as patients rather than as common criminals.

  • 19.
    Britz, Malena
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Svensk-finskt försvarspolitiskt samarbete2020In: Partiernas vägskäl: Ett nytt politiskt landskap i Sverige och Finland / [ed] Olof Ehrenkrona, Stockholm: Appell Förlag , 2020, p. 113-123Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 20.
    Britz, Malena
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Westberg, Jacob
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Lärarrollen: att utbilda på vetenskaplig grund2016In: Att forska: praktiker och roller inom samhällsvetenskapen / [ed] Linus Hagström, Niklas Bremberg, Arita Holmberg, Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 2016, p. 206-228Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 21.
    Britz, Malena
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Westberg, Jacob
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Sveriges återtåg till närområdet2015In: Internasjonal Politikk, ISSN 0020-577X, E-ISSN 1891-1757, Vol. 73, no 3, p. 423-431Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 22.
    Chilmeran, Yasmin
    et al.
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs, (SWE).
    Hedström, Jenny
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Reflexivity and Fieldwork in Feminist Peace Research2021In: The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies / [ed] Richmond O., Visoka G., Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 23.
    Christiansson, Magnus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy. Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Defence transformation in Sweden: The strategic governance of pivoting projects 2000-20102020Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The thesis investigates the political control of the Swedish defence transformation in the second decade after the end of the Cold War. It focuses on high-level political and administrative processes and methods used in governing the Swedish Armed Forces. The existing understanding of political control in civil-military relations theory has two main shortcomings: it confuses the unique role of the military as sui generis with an exceptional(ist) theory for higher government, and its view of higher government is limited/partly misleading. The thesis presents a more elaborate conceptual framework -- strategic governance -- based on contemporary governance theory. The latter features two governance dimensions, organizing and microsteering, which are investigated in three within-case studies of “pivoting projects” for defence transformation: 1) the EU’s Nordic Battle Group 08 under Swedish leadership; 2) the development of a market-based acquisition system; and, lastly, 3) the governance of Sweden’s contribution to Afghanistan. An important finding of the thesis is that higher government in Sweden is not a hierarchical “machine” as depicted in civil-military relations research, but that military and civilian officials alike should be viewed as “servants”, or officarius. In fact, military officers and civilians often work under a "hands-off" mandate without direct supervision. Another finding is the ability of the Swedish Armed Forces to act according to the norms of higher government, rather than in conformity with military professional skills. Since neither reliance on military expertise nor active political involvement is a crucial factor for control, the theoretical implication is that other case studies should employ a governance approach rather than civil-military relations theory. The normative challenges that follow from the research include a) the need to develop a skill set adjusted to higher government in the military officer corps; b) the problem of identifying distinct areas of responsibility/accountability in strategic governance; and, ultimately, c) the necessity of improving coordination between different sectors relevant for national security, as the Swedish model for higher government in some respects is incompatible with strict requirements for generating a “grand strategy”.

  • 24.
    Christiansson, Magnus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Defense planning beyond rationalism: the third offset strategy as a case of metagovernance2018In: Defence Studies, ISSN 1470-2436, E-ISSN 1743-9698, Vol. 18, no 3, p. 262-278Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article analyzes U.S. defense planning, and more specifically the public administration of the third offset strategy. The U.S. defense bureaucracy is rooted in a tradition of rational planning, which assumes a process of consistent, value-maximizing choices within specified constrains. The cornerstone in this tradition is the program budgeting system, once created to connect plans with budgets according to preferences. The third offset strategy, aimed at dealing with the challenges of geopolitical competition and budget austerity, is influenced by a different public administration philosophy described as metagovernance. Metagovernance is a challenge to rational planning as it entails an indirect approach of organizing arenas for networks, in which start-up companies and civilian corporations get to interact with government officials in order to identify incrementally suitable acquisition projects. Furthermore, the article contextualizes this tendency in reflexive modernity, in which rationality breaks down due to the pace of societal changes and planning processes constantly become subject to feedback.

  • 25.
    Christiansson, Magnus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    The NATO question in Sweden under the Trump presidency: Military non-alignment between power politics and feminist foreign policy2017In: Finland, Sweden & NATO: Did Trump Change Everything? / [ed] Jaan Siitonen, Helsingfors: Svenska Bildningsförbundet , 2017, p. 39-56Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Download full text (pdf)
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  • 26.
    Deverell, Edward
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), CRISMART (National Center for Crisis Management Research and Training).
    Olsson, Eva-Karin
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), CRISMART (National Center for Crisis Management Research and Training).
    Wagnsson, Charlotte
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Hellman, Maria
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section.
    Johnsson, Magnus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Understanding Public Agency Communication: the case of the Swedish Armed Forces2015In: Journal of Public Affairs, ISSN 1472-3891, E-ISSN 1479-1854, Vol. 15, no 4, p. 387-396Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article suggests a diagnostic framework of public communication intended to capture new communication strategies used by Armed Forces across Europe to legitimize new tasks and recruit new personnel. Three distinct communicative models that impact differently on democratic values and public support are suggested: an Old Public Administration (OPA) model influenced by bureaucratic values, a New Public Management (NPM) model fuelled by market values and a deliberative model labelled ‘New Public Service’ (NPS) that is largely influenced by proponents of ‘e-democracy’. A case study of the communication of the Swedish Armed Forces identifies a lingering bureaucratic (OPA) ideal. The market ideal (NPM) however clearly dominates. The article concludes that communication along market purposes, principles and practices risks distancing Armed Forces further from society. Yet, an embryonic deliberative ideal (NPS)—much fuelled by the use of social media such as blogs—was also identified. This growing ideal holds the potential of infusing deliberative vigor into the organization and presumably facilitates the bridging of the gap to society.

  • 27.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Finland, Sweden and Operation Unified Protector: The impact of strategic culture2016In: Comparative Strategy, ISSN 0149-5933, E-ISSN 1521-0448, Vol. 35, no 4, p. 284-297Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the Swedish decision to participate in Operation Unified Protector in Libya and the Finnish decision to refrain from the same operation. It takes as its theoretical point of departure the concept of strategic culture and argues that differences in the strategic culture of the two countries contributed to the differences in behavior toward the Libya intervention. The Finnish and Swedish strategic cultures differ with respect to the core tasks of the armed forces, willingness to use force, and with respect to what types of operations and organizational frameworks Finland and Sweden find it appropriate to participate in.

  • 28.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    From Enthusiasm to Reluctance: Poland and International Military Operations2016In: European Participation in International Operations: The Role of Strategic Culture / [ed] Malena Britz, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, p. 123-149Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 29.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Historical experiences, strategic culture, and strategic behavior: Poland in the anti-ISIS coalition2018In: Defence Studies, ISSN 1470-2436, E-ISSN 1743-9698, Vol. 18, no 4, p. 454-473Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article contributes to an explanation of why Poland, after a period of almost two years’ hesitation, decided to dispatch military forces to the United States-led coalition against the Islamic State in June 2016. The Polish case is examined by applying the concept of strategic culture, taking into account a state’s core military strategic beliefs and the historical experiences on which these beliefs are based. The case study shows that strategic culture shaped the Polish decision-making on the coalition, by predisposing the decision-makers toward a typical Polish behavior in international military operations, namely to exchange security benefits with important allies. The article also has implications for the general study of strategic culture, by specifying the relationship between historical experiences and strategic culture.

  • 30.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Strategic Culture, Domestic Politics, and Foreign Policy: Finland’s Decision To Refrain From Operation Unified Protector2017In: Foreign Policy Analysis, ISSN 1743-8586, E-ISSN 1743-8594, Vol. 13, no 3, p. 741-759Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article integrates literature on strategic culture with literature on the domestic politics of foreign policy, illustrating how the interaction of culture and domestic political calculation can influence government foreign policy on participation in international military operations. Empirically, the article investigates the decision made by the Government of Finland to refrain from participation in the military intervention in Libya in March–April 2011. The Finnish decision-making illustrates that domestic politics, in particular the factor of election timing, can strengthen the feeling among decision-makers that they should follow the country’s strategic culture. The article ends with theorization on the domestic political conditions under which decision-makers are more or less likely to deviate from strategic culture.

  • 31.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Eidenfalk, Joakim
    University of Wollongong, Australien.
    Ignoring public opinion: The Australian and Polish decisions to go to war in Iraq2016In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, ISSN 0955-7571, E-ISSN 1474-449X, Vol. 29, no 2, p. 562-580Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates why the governments of Australia and Poland decided to contribute military forces to the United States led invasion of Iraq in March 2003 when a majority of Australian and Polish citizens were opposed to national involvement in the invasion. The objective of the article is to increase understanding of the conditions under which governments ignore the public in their foreign policymaking. The article examines the explanatory power of four intervening variables: issue salience, elite debate, timing of the next election and the importance assigned to international gains by the government. On the basis of the Direct Method of Agreement, the article concludes that government perceptions of international gains and the timing of the next election were potentially necessary factors for the outcomes of the cases, while issue salience and elite debate were not necessary conditions. A distant election may, thus, provide sufficient electoral protection for a government that conducts a foreign policy to which the public is opposed.

  • 32.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Eidenfalk, Johan
    School of Humanities and Social Inquiry, University of Wollongong, Wollongong, (AUS).
    Using strategic culture to understand participation in expeditionary operations: Australia, Poland, and the coalition against the Islamic State2019In: Contemporary Security Policy, ISSN 1352-3260, E-ISSN 1743-8764, Vol. 40, no 1, p. 4-29Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates how strategic culture influenced the decision-making of Australia and Poland regarding the global coalition against the Islamic State. In the coalition, Australia has followed its tradition of active participation in United States-led operations, while Poland has embarked on a more cautious line, thereby breaking with its previous policy of active participation. The article examines how Australian and Polish responses to the coalition were shaped by five cultural elements: dominant threat perception, core task of the armed forces, strategic partners, experiences of participating in coalitions of the willing, and approach to the international legality of expeditionary operations. It finds that Australia and Poland differed on all five elements but that the major differences are found in dominant threat perception and core task of the armed forces.

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  • 33.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Frantzen, Filip
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Strategy Section.
    The strategic and realist perspectives: An ambiguous relationship2022In: Journal of Strategic Studies, ISSN 0140-2390, E-ISSN 1743-937X, Vol. 45, no 6-7, p. 918-941Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article aims at clearing up a widespread misunderstanding in previous research that the classical strategic perspective, based on the writings of Carl von Clausewitz and his contemporary followers, shares ontological assumptions with realism. Although both perspectives perceive a constant state of disharmony in international politics, they differ substantially in their assumptions about state-centrism, actor behaviour, and the role of unpredictability. As the relationship between the perspectives is ambiguous, the article argues that scholars should treat them as two separate theoretical entities. The greater scholarly relevance of the article lies in its contribution to conceptual clarity.

  • 34.
    Donahoe, Amanda E.
    et al.
    Centenary College of Louisiana, (USA).
    Wibben, Annick T.R.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Peace and War in the Classroom2020In: Teaching Peace and War: Pedagogy and Curricula / [ed] Annick T.R. Wibben, Amanda E. Donahoe, London: Routledge, 2020, p. 1-5Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 35.
    Edström, Håkan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Efter EU-medlemskapet: nya linjer i svensk utrikespolitik?2016In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 118, no 4, p. 497-527Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    After the EU Membership – New Strategies in Swedish Foreign Politics?After becoming a member of the EU in 1995 Sweden has been governed by theSocial Democrats (1995–2006) and by a Centre-Right coalition (2006–2014) led bythe Moderate Party. Has the EU-membership conserved the tradition of consensusamongst the political parties regarding the foreign policy or has it provided anew platform allowing the parties to express their different ideological preferencesalso in this field of politics? The aim of this article is to shed light on the foreignpolicy of the Social Democrats and the Moderate Party 1995–2014. By analyzing thedebates in the Swedish parliament, Riksdagen, it is concluded that the two partieshave similar strategies regarding the means and the ways of the foreign policy butdifferent approach regarding the views on the international settings and the endsof the policy. A potential explanation to the findings is the resurrection of Realismin the Moderate Party’s approach.

  • 36.
    Edström, Håkan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Förord2016In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 118, no 4, p. 407-409Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 37.
    Edström, Håkan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Försvarsberedningens dilemma: Konsekvens eller konsensus?2015In: Kungl Krigsvetenskapsakademiens Handlingar och Tidskrift, ISSN 0023-5369, Vol. 2, p. 6-30Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, the Swedish parliamentary body responsible for conducting analysis on global developments and preparing the formulation of Swedish security and defence policy, försvarsberedningen (English: The Defence Committee), is explored. The aim of the article is to evaluate whether or not the functioning of the Committee in fulfilling these two tasks influences the political guidance of the Armed Forces in terms of strategy. The conclusion referring to the former task is that the Committee lacks a methodology and hence tends to have difficulties in predicting important events such as the Russian interventions in Georgia and Ukraine. The conclusion referring to the latter task is that the Committee has been successful in establishing a consensus amongst the political parties represented in the Swedish parliament, riksdagen. Even if this consensus has been weak, it has been broad enough to reach a parliamentary majority supporting the policy despite long periods of minority cabinets. Altogether, the performance of the Committee provides no support in directing the Armed Forces with strategies.

  • 38.
    Edström, Håkan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Gömd eller glömd?: realism i den svenska riksdagsdebatten2016In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 118, no 4, p. 529-562Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Hidden or Forgotten? – Realism in the Swedish Parliamentary DebateThe spoken word of politicians creates expectations for subsequent action. Thelanguage used when formulating security, foreign and defense policies can thusprovide an indication what measures the politicians are prepared to take in orderto promote their national interests. In international relations theory the use offorce is primarily associated with realism. The use of realist concepts in the politicalcommunication could thus serve as an indicator of the politicians’ views on the useof force. In this article the use of realism in the parliamentary debate in Sweden isexplored. The findings indicate differences between the political parties as well asbetween the topics of the debate.

  • 39.
    Edström, Håkan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Med alla till buds stående metoder?: Strategi i den politiska styrningen av Försvarsmakten2015In: Kungl Krigsvetenskapsakademiens Handlingar och Tidskrift, ISSN 0023-5369, Vol. 1, p. 15-36Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Members of all political parties represented in the Swedish Parliament have during the past decades repeatedly stressed the necessity of directing military activities by using strategies. When focus in now shifting from participating in international military operations far from Sweden to addressing security challenges in Sweden's neighbourhood the needs for a new military strategy is obvious. The aim of this article is to explore whether potential shortcomings in the decisionsmaking process regarding the Swedish security and defence policy can explain why the Government does not seem to guide the Armed Forces with strategies.

  • 40.
    Edström, Håkan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Slutord2016In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 118, no 4, p. 643-645Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 41.
    Edström, Håkan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Statsvetenskap och krig: forskning i en osäker tid2016Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 42.
    Edström, Håkan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Suboptimering eller synergi?2017In: Vårt försvar, ISSN 0042-2800, no 1, p. 18-19Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
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  • 43.
    Edström, Håkan
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Tradition eller förnyelse?: Svensk utrikespolitik efter EU-medlemskapet2017 (ed. 1)Book (Refereed)
  • 44.
    Edström, Håkan
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Ellström, Carin
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Mohlin, Marcus
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Oltorp, Anders
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Militärstrategiskt samarbete: Finland lösningen... eller problemet?2016In: Kungl Krigsvetenskapsakademiens Handlingar och Tidskrift, ISSN 0023-5369, no 2, p. 108-121Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 45.
    Edström, Håkan
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Gyllensporre, Dennis
    Swedish Defence University.
    Minding the gap between words and deeds: Towards a new EU strategy on security2015In: European Foreign Affairs Review, ISSN 1384-6299, E-ISSN 1875-8223, Vol. 20, no 1, p. 3-22Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article revisits the twenty-three Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP)-missions launched before the economic crisis hit the EU and its Member States to generate conclusions that could assist in the strategy process in Brussels. Six questions anchored in the field of Strategic Studies are operationalized in an analytical framework. Extant EU policies are utilized to identify plausible answers. The analysis suggests that the EU must close the gap between words and deeds to become a more credible actor. It would help the EU to operationalize its ambitions by exploiting its broad portfolio of policy options and to vanguard the post-modern society in crisis management.

  • 46.
    Edström, Håkan
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Gyllensporre, Dennis
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi.
    Westberg, Jacob
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Military strategy of small states: Responding to External Shocks of the 21st Century2019Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Using primary sources from four Nordic countries, (Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden), this volume explores how small states have adjusted their military strategies in response to external shocks of the 21st century. The 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Russian interventions in Georgia and Ukraine, and the rise of the Islamic State have all forced the Nordic states to adopt new strategies. While the responses have not been uniform, their differing relations to the EU and NATO have not prevented these countries from behaving similarly in military affairs. Limitations in military capacity has led all four countries to pursue strategies that include cooperation with more resourceful partners. It is necessary for them to cooperate with others to protect and promote their national interests. Moreover, the Nordic cosmopolitan outlook expresses milieu-shaping ambitions that we generally would not expect small states to pursue against a potential great power aggressor.

    This book will be of much interest to students of military strategy, defense studies, security studies, and international relations.

  • 47.
    Edström, Håkan
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Josefsson, Anders
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Military Studies, Command & Control Studies Division.
    Försvaret av Sverige: vem kan leda operationer... och vem bör?2016In: Kungl Krigsvetenskapsakademiens Handlingar och Tidskrift, ISSN 0023-5369, no 1, p. 67-86Article in journal (Other academic)
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  • 48.
    Edström, Håkan
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi.
    Westberg, Jacob
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Between the eagle and the bear: Explaining the alignment strategies of the Nordic countries in the 21st century2020In: Comparative Strategy, ISSN 0149-5933, E-ISSN 1521-0448, Vol. 39, no 2, p. 191-208Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article shows that all four Nordic countries, i.e., Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden, have adjusted their alignment strategies when responding to the changes in their external environment during the twenty-first century. Furthermore, our findings indicate a great diversity among the four states in their responses. All too often, security policy analyses cluster small states into allies and non-allies, respectively. However, this article suggests that alliance affiliation in isolation is not sufficient for explaining small states’ behavior and adjustments of their strategies. Occasionally, previous experiences of armed conflicts as well as perceptions of strategic exposure provide stronger explanatory power.

  • 49.
    Edström, Håkan
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Westberg, Jacob
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Between the Eagle and the Bear: Explaining the Alignment Strategies of the Nordic Countries in the 21th Century2019Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 50.
    Edström, Håkan
    et al.
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Political Science Section, Sektionen för säkerhetespolitik och strategi.
    Westberg, Jacob
    Swedish Defence University, Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership (ISSL), Division of Strategy.
    Military Strategy of Great Powers: Managing Power Asymmetry and Structural Change in the 21st Century2022Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This book explores the military strategies of the five system-determining great powers during the twenty-first century.

    The book’s point of departure is that analyses of countries’ defence strategies should acknowledge that states come in various shapes and sizes and that their strategic choices are affected by their perceptions of their position in the international system and by power asymmetries between more and less resourceful states. This creates diversity in strategies that is often overlooked in theoretically oriented analyses. The book examines how five major powers – the United States, China, the United Kingdom, France and Russia – have adjusted their strategies to improve or maintain their relative position and to manage power asymmetries during the twenty-first century. It also develops and applies an analytical framework for exploring and categorising the strategies pursued by the five major powers which combine elements of structural realism with research on power transition theory and status competition. The concluding chapter addresses questions related to stability and change in the present international system.

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