In the social sciences, geopolitical theory is used in order to analyze states actions and commitments when it comes to foreign policy. This thesis develops a new understanding of geopolitical theory. Firstly, the development and application of geopolitical theory, from its foundations in the early twentieth century to contemporary geopolitical studies is discussed. Secondly a revised understanding of the variables integrated in the concept and how it can be operationalized as an analytical tool is presented and tested empirically.The critical assessment of the research field of geopolitical theory tells us that six different geopolitical perspectives have been considered the most influential (room, strategy, power projection, identity, affiliation and governance) when it comes to analyzing state action. This model is applied as an analytical tool and thus tested on a single case. The case study is an analysis of foreign policy discussions at the state level in Sweden. This has determined how the geopolitical perspectives function in relation to each other as well as presenting the need of new geopolitical perspectives, in order to understand a state’s foreign policies actions and commitments.The case study clearly shows the merits in using geopolitical perspectives and letting them interplay. The most important result, however, is that future studies needs to consider the connections between the six perspectives. The study has confirmed the need of an additional geopolitical perspective (ideology). Ideology as a seventh perspective addresses the issue of political intentions among a state’s representatives, and in that way helps to explain the dynamic connections between the other six geopolitical perspectives that influence states actions and commitments when it comes to foreign policy.
European integration has increased to encompass security-related policies. One such policy is defense industry policy, which traditionally has been a national concern rooted in defense and security policy. Efforts have been made since the 1990s to create a European defense industry market. However, there have been different ideas of how this goal should be achieved or which model for state–industry relations the market should rest on. Using Sweden to illustrate the development, this article argues that for the Europeanization of defense industry policy, marketization has played a vital role. Building on official documents and interviews, the article analyzes the efforts to create a European defense industry market, marketization of Swedish defense industry policy, and the increased interaction between Swedish and European defense industry policy processes. The analysis also shows domestic challenges that the processes of Europeanization and marketization have brought about.
The development of defence activities related to the European Union has been rapid since the end of the Cold War. The creation of the European Defence Agency (EDA) in 2004 might contribute to greater coherence in the Union’s defence related activities. This article investigates the development that has enabled the creation of the EDA and what these developments mean to the study of European foreign policy. The authors argue - in opposition to Brian White (2001) - that defence should, by 2005, at least be seen as a fourth sub-system of European foreign policy.
EU enlargement and the incorporation of the acquis communautaire are widely seen as successful and emboldening the integrity of political, administrative and legal institutions in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The analysis reported here describes the specific problems associated with affirming institutional integrity in the fieldof public procurement, which constitutes a 'tough test'. Public procurement is namely an area where the acquis swiftly gained pre-eminence in accession states, but whose complex regulations depend on a well-functioning judiciary, effective administrative supervision and limited corruption. The experience in Poland and Bulgaria, countries that represent different stages of institution building in this area, is compared. The results suggest that an EU-compatible public procurement regime is being consolidated throughout the CEE region. At the same time, that regime may only work well when boundaries between institutional subjects, as well as between the spheres of law, politics and economics, are upheld in post-communist countries.
Detta kapitel diskuterar nationalismens historiska bakgrund både i förhållande till staternas framväxt och till begreppet etnicitet. Medan nationsbegreppet bör betraktas som nära knutet till den moderna statens och industrisamhällets epok, är etnonationalism en lämplig beteckning på grupptillhörighet med politiska anspråk i vidare bemärkelse. Den internationella politikens utformning och karaktär är djupt präglad av nationalism och den inneboende spänningen i nationalstatsbegreppet påverkar än idag kris- och konflikthantering, diplomatisk praktik och internationella organisationers verksamhet.
The broader purpose of this project is to approach the problematic of the growing importance of Asia in international relations at large, and to do so through a European Union perspective in which Sweden constitutes one component. A more immediate goal of the analysis is to elicit overarching priorities in Swedish and EU policymaking toward Asia and the region’s three preeminent powers in particular. Three policy objectives are explored as elements of an overall strategic approach toward Asia, and the analysis reaches four conclusions. First of all, the adoption of a strategic approach toward Asia may enhance stability in that part of the world. Second, the adoption of a strategic approach toward Asia will help consolidate EU institutions operating in the realms of foreign, security and defense policy. Third, the establishment of a strategic approach toward Asia would be politically astute. Fourth, the creation of a strategic approach toward Asia makes excellent economic sense. Finally, it is noted, Sweden is well positioned to make substantive contributions to all three policy objectives.
In this volume three parameters that seem geared to directly influence the Russian-European relationship are of particular interest. The first concerns the norms, values and institutions that Russia presently embodies both internally and externally, and which from time to time clash with those of the EU. Most recently there has been significant contention regarding the democratic process and respect for human rights in the countries situated west and south of Russia, and indeed in Russia itself. A second parameter concerns Russia’s relationship to the EU and to European great powers such as Germany, France and Great Britain, each with a long historical lineage. But it also pertains to other states of central concern to Russia, Poland, Italy, and Spain. A third parameter concerns the relations between Russia and the states geographically located between the EU area and Russia but also the former Warzaw pact and Comecon countries most recently joining the EU. Any divergencies among states within the EU is bound to be exploited by Russia, especially when basic interests are involved, and there have been a little bit too much of such divergencies for a common EU strategy towards Russia to develop easily. In addition, the states of the ‘New Europe’ rather reinforce conflicts and deepen the existing rifts regarding democratization, human rights issues and energy dependence.
This study reviews empirical evidence for Moghaddam’s model “Staircase to Terrorism,” which portrays terrorism as a process of six consecutive steps culminating in terrorism. An extensive literature search, where 2,564 publications on terrorism were screened, resulted in 38 articles which were subject to further analysis. The results showed that while most of the theories and processes linked to Moghaddam’s model are supported by empirical evidence, the proposed transitions between the different steps are not. These results may question the validity of a linear stepwise model and may suggest that a combination of mechanisms/factors could combine in different ways to produce terrorism.
In this article we argue that organizations and organizing activities lie at the very heart of the European integration process. Cross-pillar issues require an analytical framework that allows one to study the interplay between the market and security spheres of European integration, including how supranational and intergovernmental actors, private and public, interact with each other. By using sociological institutionalism and its notion of how organizations are institutionalized, we analyse the organizational complexity in the multifaceted policy area of armaments, without losing theoretical clarity.
The article asks what the evolution of NATO-Swedish relations signifies for the understanding of the evolution of security communities. Given the astonishing evolution of NATO and Sweden as a community of practise, it is logical to imagine the two as forming part of the same security community. It could then be argued that common practise can bring about new security communities rather hastily. Analysing NATO’s and Sweden’s recent discourses on security, the author identifies a significant gap between a principally realist and a predominantly idealist discourse that indicates that the two parties do not share key characteristics of a security community; identities, values and meanings. However, if Libya is the case of the future, the discursive differences may fade and Sweden could more easily pursue its journey towards inclusion in NATO, not as a member of an Alliance, but as a member of NATO as a security community.
De senaste decennierna har inneburit en gradvis omprövning av den alliansfria politik som utmärkte Sverige under kalla kriget. Landets säkerhetspolitiska målsättningar och strategier har förändrats på avgörande punkter. Här beskrivs och analyseras huvuddragen i utvecklingen av den svenska alliansfrihetens innebörd och praktiska tillämpning från Karl XIV Johans tid fram till i dag.