This article has mapped and analyzed internationaldefence cooperation with an emphasis on developments in NATO. In the mapping ofthe processes of defence cooperation initiatives in NATO after the Cold War and9/11, we concluded that there has been a steady stream of capabilitycatalogues, coordination measures and creation of joint ventures. In theanalysis we noted the different types of defence cooperation initiatives(sharing of capabilities, pooling of capabilities, role- and task sharing,co-development, and pooling of acquisitions), the character of the process(sequential and repetitive), and the dynamic and conditions (trade off dynamicsinfluenced by perceived gains, degree of solidarity, strategic similarities,degree of common understanding of political investment, and geographicproximity). The final part of the text elaborated on the potential consequencesof international defence cooperation; in this part we concluded that the threecategories, that might well mirror the future of the transatlantic securityarchitecture, are minimal defence cooperation, flexible defence cooperation orregional defence integration.
This chapter tries to supplement some of the early efforts to interpret the development of NATO’s partnership policy, as well as to widen it somewhat into a military operational perspective. Three official speeches on the executive level in the US are analyzed, including their references to military doctrines, in order to find the strategic rationale that underpins the new globalized partnership agenda. Two operational frameworks can be identified for the US: networking and access. Networking is centered on the decapitation of enemies and is being pursued in an on-going global or transnational shadow war. Access is centered on deterrence in Asia. Both frameworks rest on the concept of partnerships, and this is a contributory factor for their growing importance in the Alliance. This ‘partnerfication’ of NATO will certainly contribute to flexibility, but there is a clear risk that it will not be in the interests of all European states, members or partners alike.
The ‘debate’ section of the Review aims at contributing to the reflection on current ethical, legal, or practical controversies around humanitarian issues.
In this issue of the Review, we invited two experts in international humanitarian law (IHL) and multinational peace operations – Professor Eric David and Professor Ola Engdahl – to debate on the way in which the involvement of a multinational force may affect the classification of a situation. This question is particularly relevant to establishing whether the situation amounts to an armed conflict or not and, if so, whether the conflict is international or non-international in nature. This in turn will determine the rights and obligations of each party, especially in a context in which multinational forces are increasingly likely to participate in the hostilities.
This article investigates why Sweden decided to participate in the enforcement of the no-fly zone over Libya in 2011. The Swedish decision was the result of a combination of factors, including feelings of altruism, the legal basis for the operation, the involvement of North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the operation, the political power play in the Swedish parliament and Sweden’s availability of military resources. The case study relies on a multitude of different sources, such as government reports, speeches and remarks, parliamentary records, media coverage, blog entries, secondary sources, and interviews with high-level civil servants.
This article examines the necessary conditions behind the decision made by the Government of Sweden to participate with fighter jets in the monitoring of the no-fly zone over Libya in March 2011. The article identifies five explanatory factors whose presence was necessary for Sweden's military contribution: a feeling of moral obligation to intervene on the part of the government; the international legal foundation for the operation; strong leadership provided by NATO; broad parliamentary support; and the availability of military capabilities.
Kalla krigets slut har inneburit nya möjligheter för nordiskt försvars- och säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete. Det är dock främst de senaste åren som konkreta initiativ till ett ökat och fördjupat samarbete tagits. Stoltenbergrapporten från våren 2009, där 13 områden för ett fördjupat nordiskt samarbete pekas ut, och bildandet av Nordefco hösten samma år utgör två av de viktigaste exemplen på ett förnyat intresse för nordiskt samarbete i försvars- och säkerhetsfrågor.
Författarna utgår från exempel på konkreta samarbetsprojekt som sträcker sig från Napoleonkrigens slut till 2000-talet. Exemplen söker svar på två huvudfrågor: I vilken utsträckning existerar det en nordisk säkerhetspolitisk modell? Vilka internationella och nationella faktorer har verkat pådrivande respektive återhållande på nordiskt försvars- coh säkerhetssamarbete.
In recent years, several large-scale data-collection projects have produced georeferenced, disaggregated events-level conflict data which can aid researchers in studying the microlevel dynamics of civil war. This article describes the differences between the two leading conflict events datasets, the Uppsala Conflict Data Program Georeferenced Events Dataset (UCDP GED) and the Armed Conflict Location Events Dataset (ACLED), including their relative strengths and weaknesses. The aim of the article is to provide readers with some guidelines as to when these datasets should be used and when they should be avoided; it finds that those interested in subnational analyses of conflict should be wary of ACLED’s data because of uneven quality-control issues which can result in biased findings if left unchecked by the researcher. The article concludes that those interested in non-violent events such as troop movements have only ACLED to choose from, since UCDP has not coded such data, but again warns researchers to be wary of the quality of the data. Finally, while the creation of these datasets is a positive development, some caveats are raised in relation to both datasets about the reliance on media sources.
How efficient is the academic education of military officers at the Swedish National Defence College (SNDC)? Since War Studies and Military Technology are represented at no other Swedish University, it is challenging when comparing them with other subjects in this regard.Another challenge is how to measure efficiency in academic education. In this article the two subjects are compared with the most similar subject at the SNDC; Political Science. Themethod applied is quite simple. By using similar statistics and approach as the Swedish Higher Education Authority (Universitetskanskerämbetet – UKÄ) uses when comparing theefficiency of different Swedish universities, the subjects are compared in terms of full-time equivalent students per full-time equivalent staff members. The result of the comparison is depressing. If War Studies and Military Technology are to be as efficient as Political Science,the number of full-time equivalent students in the two former subjects has to be increasedfrom about 250 to about 1,450. Another option is to decrease the number of full- time equivalent staff members from about 125 to only 25. Even if the efficiency of the two military subjects does not necessarily have to be exactly on the same level as the efficiency of PoliticalScience, the result of this study indicates that something has to be done in order to increase the standards of War Studies and Military Technology.
Despite their different experiences during the Second World War Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden are often looked upon as similar Scandinavian welfare states in many ways. However, their approach to the European Union and Nato in matters of security and defence politics, differs and this indicates that they might not be that similar after all. On the other hand they have all been active contributors to the efforts of conflict management by the international community. Providing military units to peace support operations all over the globe is consequently yet another similarity. In this book the strategic decision making procedures of the four states are explored and compared. The question whether the states are alike or different regarding the use of military force is hence in focus.
This study aims to increase the understanding on the strategic logic behind the un-led military non-force missions. Six out of 25 missions are evaluated to determine how strategy is elaborated within the un-system. The cases include observer missions, liaison missions and advisory missions. The analysis illuminates the interaction between the political and military strategic levels as well as the strategic awareness displayed by the un regarding non-force missions. Also the potential added value of non-force missions in peacekeeping is discussed. The authors conclude that there is an imbalance between the strategic preferences of the unsc and the unsg. The strategic awareness as well as the mission character is shown to differ between types of non-force missions. Their purpose seems to be keeping peace by observing war. It is up to the unsc and the unsg to judge whether passive oversight of the ongoing crisis is sufficient or if more active measures are justified.
Formulating a military strategy is a complex interaction between politicians, strategic commanders and generals. Formulating such a strategy within a multinational organization is even more complex. In this book, Edström and Gyllensporre explore a range of case studies, based on UN documents, and individually analyse their de facto military strategy in terms of ends, ways, means, and the interaction between the political strategic level (UN Security Council) and the military strategic level (UN Secretary General). Some 100,000 UN soldiers deployed all over the world not only deserve but need to be properly directed. Military strategy is hence a necessity, not an option. Moreover the military strategy should be percieved as a complementary effort to a robust integrated mission concept, including other instruments than the military.
Att utforma en försvarsdoktrin betyder att inom en given ekonomisk ram balansera förmågan att hantera hot och risker som ligger nära i tiden med behovet av att skapa långsiktig handlingsfrihet genom att utveckla kapacitet mot möjliga framtida hot och risker. Trots att flera argumenterat för vikten av balans finns få exempel på hur detta realiseras. Denna bok förklarar utvecklingen av svensk försvarsdoktrin sedan kalla krigets slut, och stödjer sig främst på officiella tryck från de politiska beslutsprocesserna.
In an article in this journal (2:2013) we identified several important shortcomings of War Studies at the Swedish National Defence College (SNDC) during the period of 2007–2012.In this article, we conclude that the authors of a responding article (4:2013), Senior Professors Stefan Axberg and Berndt Brehmer not only continue to focus on irrelevant aspects of asubject outside their expertise, but also neglect to recognize their own responsibility regarding the causes of the shortcomings. Furthermore, we find that their recommendations are incommensurable with the view presented by the Swedish Armed Forces and the current development of War Studies at the SNDC.
This volume connects the study of statebuilding to broader aspects of social theory and the historical study of the state, bringing forth new questions and starting-points, both academically and practically, for the field. Building states has become a highly prioritized issue in international politics. Since the 1990s, mainly Western countries and international institutions have invested large sums of money, vast amounts of manpower, and considerable political capital in ventures of this kind all across the globe. Most of the focus in current literature is on the acute cases, such as Afghanistan and Iraq, but also to states that seem to fit the label 'failed states' such as Liberia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. This book brings together a diverse group of scholars who introduce new theoretical approaches from the broader social sciences. The chapters revisit historical cases of statebuilding, and provide thought-provoking, new strategic perspectives on the field. The result is a volume that broadens and deepens our understanding of statebuilding by highlighting the importance of hybridity, contingency and history in a broad range of case-studies. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding and intervention, peacebuilding, war and conflict studies, security studies and IR in general.
Many concerns related to women in combat roles stem from two related assumptions: (a) the existing structure and culture of the armed forces are well adapted to the requirements of combat; and (b) politically imposed change is harmful to the professionalism and effectiveness of the military. These can be dangerous assumptions. Instead, the traditional "truths" about the nature of unit cohesion and the optimal capabilities of individual soldiers and officers need to be periodically examined. Doing so can maximize the effectiveness of military organizations in a changing environment.
In October 2000, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 which reaffirmed the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts as well as in post-conflict reconstruction. Since the resolution was passed, the Swedish Armed Forces have gone through an impressive process of change that has set the agenda for instituting Resolution 1325 in militaries throughout the world. What began as a project of limited scope within the Swedish armed forces has steadily evolved to mainstream a gender perspective, conduct training, and to establish specific gender-related functions and institutions such as Gender Field Advisors, Gender Focal Points and the Nordic Centre for Gender in Military Operations.Through extensive interviews and analyses of internal documents, this study provides a unique understanding of these organizational processes, the driving factors and the roadblocks within the armed forces, as well as the impact of a gender perspective in the field of operations. This insight, and the resulting lessons learned, is not only essential for the continued process of implementation in the Swedish case, but also for similar processes in the armed forces and other security related organizations around the world.
This book explores ‘lessons learned’ from the military intervention in Libya by examining key aspects of the 2011 NATO campaign. NATO’s intervention in Libya had unique features, rendering it unlikely to serve as a model for action in other situations. There was an explicit UN Security Council mandate to use military force, a strong European commitment to protect Libyan civilians, Arab League political endorsement and American engagement in the critical, initial phase of the air campaign. Although the seven-month intervention stretched NATO’s ammunition stockpiles and political will almost to their respective breaking points, the definitive overthrow of the Gaddafi regime is universally regarded as a major accomplishment. With contributions from a range of key thinkers and analysts in the field, the book first explains the law and politics of the intervention, starting out with deliberations in NATO and at the UN Security Council, both noticeably influenced by the concept of a Responsibility to Protect (R2P). It then goes on to examine a wide set of military and auxiliary measures that governments and defence forces undertook in order to increasingly tilt the balance against the Gaddafi regime and to bring about an end to the conflict, as well as to the intervention proper, while striving to keep the number of NATO and civilian casualties to a minimum. This book will be of interest to students of strategic studies, history and war studies, and IR in general.
This article deals with the importance of collective power and value consensus among elites for medieval polity formation by analyzing electoral monarchies. State formation theory focuses on the monopoly of legitimate armed force and has pushed notions of consensus and collective power into the background. This article questions material and coercive theories of state formation and emphasizes polity formation through theories of power as collaboration and as the ability to act in concert. Royal elections had two major functions: (1) A transfer of authority that created trust and concord among elite groups and (2) constructing ideas of an abstract ‘realm’ that political actors represented and to which they were accountable in an ideational and symbolic sense. The article focuses on the Holy Roman Empire and Sweden.