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  • 1.
    Brenner, Björn
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen. Göteborgs universitet. Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten.
    Islamist governance Hamas style: readings from the Palestinian experiment in Islamic democracy2015Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This study investigates how the Palestinian Islamists in Hamas came to govern following theirsuccess in the 2006 parliamentary elections. The study poses the overarching research question:How can Hamas's governance in the Gaza Strip between 2006 and 2012 be characterised andunderstood? Hamas has attracted particular research interest, partly due to its seeminglycontradictory nature and actions, and partly due to the fact that this was the first case of Islamistsin the Arab world to ascend to power by democratic means. On the one hand, Hamas has led anarmed struggle against Israel which has even included suicide bombings against the Israelicivilian population. On the other hand, Hamas has more recently shown both the will and theability to participate in electoral processes in a peaceful and democratic fashion.

    As a result of this, the case of Hamas relates to two scholarly debates in particular. The firstdebate concerns the nature of Islamism - whether Islamist ideals can be considered fullycompatible with democracy. Ultimately, this debate has come to focus on what the democraticpotential of Islamists would mean in practice, should they get the chance to hold power. Thesecond debate concerns the nature of Hamas - how to comprehend the paradoxal conduct of thisactor and in what direction it is heading politically. There is also a strong extra-scientificrelevance to the study, as Hamas remains a powerful force in the Israeli-Palestinian arena. HowHamas is dealt with, both by Israel and the international community and by the Palestiniansthemselves, will have repercussions on when and in what shape the pending Palestinian state willmaterialise.

    Based on existing scholarship on this subject, the aim of this study holds theoretical,methodological and empirical ambitions: Theoretically, the study seeks to contribute to the twodebates mentioned above. Methodologically, it seeks to contribute by suggesting a newframework for the analysis of Islamist governance. Empirically, it contributes by adding a newcase study to the existing research on Islamists in power.

    The study addresses the research question by focusing on how the new government perceivedand reacted to three key challenges to its exercise of power: relating to the political system and themain opposition party; countering violent radicalisation and local splinter groups; and reestablishingsocietal order and reforming the legal system. The analysis is based on a recentlycollected set of primary data consisting of both observations and interviews. The respondentsinclude ministers, advisors and civil servants in the government, as well as military commanders,internal security personnel and members of the Qassam Brigades. They also include some of theHamas government's fiercest critics, notably Salafi-Jihadis, youth dissidents and members of theFatah party.

    The study finds that the Hamas government lacked the necessary organisation, knowledge andexperience to carry out its duties. It also finds that the government perceived itself to be subjectedto an imminent threat of being overthrown. The study shows that while the Hamas governmentwas far from fulfilling the democratic promises it had set out in its reform programme, it did notproceed to change the political system into any sort of Islamic theocracy governed by sharia. Asthe analysis concludes, Hamas's governance could be characterised neither as singularlyauthoritarian and Islamic, nor as merely democratic and secular. Rather, Islamist governanceHamas style has been a blurred combination of all these traits together, firmly guided by a farreachingideological pragmatism and a continuously perceived necessity for further powerconsolidation.

  • 2.
    Geijer, Christopher
    Försvarshögskolan.
    Hybrida Hot i den Skandinaviska Geopolitiska Sfären, Finns en Samfälld Syn Mellan Sverige och Norge?: en teorikonsumerande fallstudie om svensk och norsk försvarspolitisk inriktning ur ett hybridkrigföringsperspektiv2019Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (högskoleexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Hybrid warfare and hybrid threats today represent a fundamental political challenge. Within the world of security politics, international cooperation has become a central tool with which western nations face this threat. In utilizing international cooperation in order to face hybrid threats, one should however ask whether nationally implemented methods and understandings of this threat correspond with those of other nations as a prerequisite to joint operations against hybrid threats.

     

    This study ventures to determine if a common understanding and approach to the issue of hybrid warfare optimizes our nations preparedness, protection and response by exploring whether Sweden and Norway have implemented the same understanding of current hybrid warfare and threats. It does so by applying a theoretical framework based on hybrid warfare theory.   

     

    By analyzing current intelligence reports, military doctrines and defensive planning, this study has found that implementation of hybrid warfare does exist in both nations. This study finds that a fundamentally likeminded understanding of hybrid threats has been integrated in both Swedish and Norwegian intelligence reports, military doctrine as well as defensive planning. Furthermore, this study finds the relative, equivalent integration of hybrid threats based on current hybrid theory establishes a prerequisite for future cooperation as well as achieving synergy by having a common threat understanding. 

     

    The study does however find that further research in the field of synergistic effects in military cooperation and strategic alliances such as that between Sweden and Norway is recommended. Future research is also recommended in order to determine whether the hybrid threat understanding transcends the nations armed forces and has been integrated on a higher political level. Furthermore, future research should delve deeper into hybrid warfare theory and its geopolitical relevance. 

  • 3.
    Hagström, Linus
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen.
    Japan anser sig behöva rusta för att kunna försvara freden2014Ingår i: Respons, ISSN 2001-2292, nr 6, s. 8-9Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 4.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI).
    Jerdén, BjörnStockholm universitet och Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI).
    The East Asian Power Shift: A Critical Appraisal2014Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Refereegranskat)
  • 5.
    Hagström, Linus
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Statsvetenskapliga avdelningen. The Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Weissmann, Mikael
    Försvarshögskolan, Militärvetenskapliga institutionen (MVI), Taktikavdelningen (TA), Marksektionen (Mark). The Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Hanssen, Ulv
    The Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Allt bör göras för att bygga relationer med Nordkorea2017Ingår i: Dagens Nyheter, ISSN 1101-2447Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 6.
    Lagerström de Jong, Gabriel
    Försvarshögskolan.
    “Normative Military Power Europe”: a contradiction in terms?: En fallstudie av EU:s militära insats i Somalia i förhållande till Normative Power Europe.2015Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis paper is based on Ian Manners Normative Power Europe-theory with a focus on EU’s military operation in Somalia. By examining documents from EU institutions in the form of reports concerning EU NAVFOR – Operation ATALANTA – EUTM Somalia – EUCAP NESTOR. This study shows that the Normative Power Europe-theory can get expressed and that the EU continues its normative statements in Somalia. This result is an interesting contribution to the theory of Normative Power Europe witch have gotten a lot of critic about how a military operation should effect and diminish the theory.

  • 7.
    Lanzén, Erik
    Försvarshögskolan.
    Taktisk riskbenägenhet: en kvantitativ studie om riskbenägenhet hos officerare med olika bakgrund och erfarenheter2019Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis aims to answer the question of what differences in risk propensity may exist between Swedish Army Officers from different branches and those with or without experience from international deployments. Since different individuals can perceive risks in different ways a discrepancy can arise between how different decision makers act in different tactical situations. This can have consequences in combat through decision makers who expose themselves and others to unnecessarily large risks, or decision makers who fail to act through an excessive risk perception.

    The thesis aims to discover whether such differences exist within the Swedish Army, to avoid catastrophic outcomes in combat because units or individuals are acting in a way that is not advantageous to the task, and directly or indirectly creates an even more risky situation. The survey was conducted through a questionnaire survey, where the data was analysed to test two hypotheses, one relating to the different branches and the other regarding experience from international deployments. The analysis showed that the differences between groups were not statistically significant and that the hypotheses cannot be proven.

  • 8.
    Ljungqvist, Thomas
    Försvarshögskolan.
    Avskräckning med marina medel mot en irreguljär motståndare2012Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Den här uppsatsen söker svar på i vilken utsträckning som marina stridskrafter kan bidra till att avskräcka en irreguljär motståndare. Genom det bristfälliga forskningsläget på detta område gör uppsatsen en ansats till att skapa ett analysverktyg på taktisk nivå inom den marina kontexten och dess roll i avskräckning mot en irreguljär motståndare. Under det kalla kriget, men även efteråt, har många teoretiker försökt sig på att beskriva och förstå avskräckningens komplexitet med olika teorier. Även om historien inte alltid belönar detta som en framgångsrik metod för att påverka en motståndare med, är det ändå när det lyckas en väsenskilt mycket bättre och humanare metod än krig. Ur teorierna kring avskräckning har ett antal framgångsfaktorer identifierats. Dessa har sedan behandlats i den marina arenan och mot en irreguljär motståndare på taktisk nivå. Uppsatsen finner att det inte är avskräckningen som metod som skiljer utan motståndaren och dennes karaktär, syften och viljor. Den irreguljära motståndaren har visat sig svår att avskräcka främst på grund av att det är svårt att kommunicera de hot man vill projicera då han sällan uppträder som en enskild antagonist utan snarare flera.

  • 9.
    Ries, Tomas
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört).
    A European Perspective on Security 20202012Ingår i: British Army Yearbook 2012 / [ed] Chris Donnelly, London: Newsdeskmedia , 2012, 3, s. 18-20Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 10.
    Ries, Tomas
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört).
    Insecurity in the Post-Liberal Age: Key Security Challenges of the Early Twenty-First Century2012Ingår i: The European Union and Emerging Powers in the 21st Century: How Europe Can Shape a New Global Order / [ed] Sven Biscop, Thomas Renard, London: Ashgate, 2012, 1, s. 21-40Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 11.
    Ries, Tomas
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört).
    The Emerging Atlantic Security Agenda: Joint Challenges2010Ingår i: Shoulder to Shoulder: Forging a Strategic US-EU Partnership / [ed] Daniel S. Hamilton, Washington DC: Center for Transatlantic Relations , 2010, s. 111-121Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 12.
    Ries, Tomas
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört).
    The Global Security Environment 20302010Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 13.
    Ries, Tomas
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört).
    The Globalising Security Environment and the EU2009Ingår i: What Ambitions for European Defence 2020? / [ed] Álvaro de Vasconcelos, Paris: EU Institute for Security Studies , 2009, 2, s. 61-74Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 14.
    Ries, Tomas
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört).
    Järvenpää, Pauli
    The Rise of the Arctic on the Global Stage2011Ingår i: Arctic Security in an Age of Climate Change / [ed] James Kraska, Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011, 1, s. 129-144Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The Arctic is rapidly emerging as a major playing field in world politics. Prior to the Cold War, it was a terra nullius to all but the indigenous populations. During the Cold War, it became of massive importance in the strategic nuclear relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union. This had a tangential political impact on the adjacent regions, notably the Nordic states, including Finland, but it occupied a very narrow margin of world affairs as a whole, and one that, in peacetime, largely took place behind the veil of highly specialized strategic submarine and air preparations and operations.

    With the end of the Cold War, the Arctic again became dormant in world affairs. However, in the past few years, it has been woken up again and is now rapidly emerging with full force on the world stage. One could almost say that there has been a paradigm shift in how we look at the region. There is a growing recognition that the Arctic, instead of staying a backwater of politics, is rapidly moving to the limelight of attention.

  • 15.
    Ries, Tomas
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), Strategiavdelningen (upphört).
    Warnke, Philine
    Summerer, Leopold
    Steinmuller, Karlheinz
    Sessa, Carlo
    Soete, Luc
    Rollwagen, Ingo
    Ricci, Andrea
    Mulgan, Geoff
    Koski, Heli
    Morato Murillo, Ana
    Klazinga, Nicolaas Sieds
    Helve, Helena
    Gupta, Joyeeta
    Gnesotto, Nicole
    Fontagne, Lionel
    De Zwaan, Jaap
    David, Ged
    Braun, Anette
    Caraca, João
    Bukowsk, Maciej
    Bogaert, Henri
    Archibugi, Daniele
    Avramov, Dragana
    Amanatidou, Effie
    Global Europe 20502012 (uppl. 1)Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The Global Europe 2050 foresight report presents and quantifies three scenarios that identify the main pathways Europe could follow in the coming decades:

    the Nobody cares scenario where Europe is in a 'muddling through' process; the EU under threat where Europe is faced by an economic decline and protectionist reactions; the European Renaissance where the EU continues to enlarge and become stronger with more efficient innovation systems.

  • 16.
    Rönnestig, Erika
    Försvarshögskolan.
    Unionen vs. Nationen - Utvecklingen av en gemensam europeisk energipolitik: En studie i Tyskland och Storbritanniens inställning, förhållsningssätt och intentioner2014Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 17.
    Törner, Carl
    Försvarshögskolan.
    Swedish Finnish Naval Task Group: fallstudie i samarbetets innebörd2018Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (yrkesexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent decades, Sweden's and most of Europe's defense budgets have fallen. It has created a greater need between countries for the cost-effective maintenance of defense capabilities. The Swedish Finnish Naval Task Group (SFNTG) is a part of this trend. It will be operational in 2023 and aims to jointly use the marine forces of the countries in a cost-effective way. In this case study, the cooperation in SFNTG between Swedish and Finnish combat boats is investigated. Based on the increased need for defense cooperation, different concepts for describing and applying collaborations in the short and long term have been created. In this work the term Joint Force Generation was used to analyze the different systems of the Swedish and Finnish combat boats. The term Pooling & Sharing was used to analyze cooperation in the longer term.

    The purpose is to explore how the political and strategic plans will work on the tactical level of cooperation. Empiricism has been gathered through interviews by officers from both countries. Literature study of reports on the meaning of cooperation have been made. The work was limited to research & development, maintenance, management and material purchases. The interviews showed that the different communicationsystems in the combat boats required extra human resources and a common communicationsystem was desirable.

    Conclusions are that there are shortcomings of a functioning relationship for the combat boats to meet the requirements of the year 2023. The use of each other's bases as another goal must coordinate logistics, training and warehousing to create better impact. In the longer perspective a greater political understanding must be for the importance of the joint material purchases. The major gain is in cost savings through various forms of collective research development.

  • 18.
    Weissmann, Mikael
    Försvarshögskolan, Militärvetenskapliga institutionen (MVI), Taktikavdelningen (TA), Marksektionen (Mark).
    Understanding Power (Shift) in East Asia: the Sino-US Narrative Battle about Leadership in the South China Sea2019Ingår i: Asian Perspectives, ISSN 0066-8435, E-ISSN 1535-8283, Vol. 43, nr 2, s. 223-248, artikel-id https://doi.org/10.1353/apr.2019.0009Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article I study the competing US and Chinese narratives about the South China Sea. Arguing that the practice of calculating power shifts in terms of the changing distribution of material capabilities is inadequate, I complement existing literature by taking ideational and normative dimensions of power into account. I ask what the alternative Chinese narrative of power and leadership in the South China Sea looks like and how it is perceived by others in comparison with the dominant US narrative. While a "hard" power transition is ongoing, China's preferred narrative has yet to become widely accepted and the US narrative will remain dominant for now. Nevertheless, China has been making progress in shifting the narrative of what the future could look like with China's vision for a post-US regional and global order now seen as a possible alternative.

  • 19.
    Weissmann, Mikael
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Militärvetenskapliga institutionen (MVI), Taktikavdelningen (TA), Marksektionen (Mark).
    Li, Mingjiang
    S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.
    Introduction to the Special Issue: power, Narratives, and the Role of Third Parties: Understanding Power (Shift) in East Asia2019Ingår i: Asian Perspective, ISSN 0258-9184, E-ISSN 2288-2871, Vol. 43, nr 2, s. 215-221Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    "POWER" REMAINS A CENTRAL, IF NOT INDISPENSABLE, CONCEPT IN THE SOCIAL sciences and humanities. In no discipline is this clearer than international relations (IR), where the distribution of power is believed to explain many outcomes in international politics, particularly the propensity for war and peace (Mearsheimer 2010; Friedberg 2011). The importance of the concept notwithstanding, academic and policy debates about international power have long occurred within overly restrictive conceptual boundaries, focusing on the distribution of power defined as tangible assets to explain international politics at the expense of other ways in which power is exercised. Even though this materialist theory of power has failed to help us understand some of the most conspicuous international developments of recent decades, it continues to permeate the literature about international politics.

    There are few places in the world where power is as crucial to shaping international dynamics as in East Asia. The critical question of whether a power shift is ongoing in the region, from Japan and the United States to China, is a central preoccupation of contemporary IR. Given the actors that are involved, the region is arguably the epicenter of a possible global power shift from the West to the East, and from the North to the South. In the East Asian region, a power shift has been seen as impending for more than two decades (Betts 1993; Friedberg 1993; Roy 1994). Today, the concept of a regional power shift is widely accepted both among scholars and observers outside of academia (Shambaugh 2005; Mearsheimer 2010; Layne 2018). A consensus has emerged that there has been a redistribution of capabilities among the major players in the region, although there are different opinions about the extent and outcome of such power shift (Li and Kemburi 2014; see also the Asian Perspective special issue "The East Asia Power Shift: A Critical Appraisal," vol. 38, no. 3, 2014; of particular interest is the introduction by Linus Hagström and Bjorn Jerden).

    This special issue goes beyond materialistic power theory to examine the role and impact of narratives themselves in the (apparent) power shift in East Asia. It investigates the extent to which the narratives produced and spread by key actors succeed in producing effects on third [End Page 215] parties, exploring if and how they succeed in shaping their preferences, interests, and identities regarding contested issues in East Asia. Its focus is on the narratives about China, Japan, and the United States. The underlying idea is that it is the narrative(s) that ultimately define(s) the dynamics of the East Asian security setting and IR more broadly, creating a framework for what actions are possible, when, and for whom. In short, it is ultimately the victorious/dominant narratives that themselves define what is seen as legitimate and illegitimate, what is normal and abnormal, and ultimately what is within the realm of possibility and what is not.

    Special emphasis is put on third parties, as it is they who are the audiences and ultimately the judges of what narrative to accept or is most attractive. For example, the fact that narratives about a more "assertive" and "threatening" China have received increased attention and acceptance is limiting China while at the same time opening new space for Japan and US foreign policy, as they are perceived as important to manage China's purported rise.

    This special issue starts with an article by Mikael Weissmann titled "Understanding Power (Shift) in East Asia: The Sino-US Narrative Battle about Leadership in the South China Sea." Weissmann analyzes competing US and Chinese narratives about the South China Sea. He argues that the practice of calculating power shifts in terms of changing distribution of material capabilities is inadequate. The article aims to complement existing literature by taking ideational and normative dimensions of power into account. The article asks what the Chinese narrative of power and leadership in the South China Sea looks like and how it is perceived by others in comparison with the dominant US narrative. Weissmann concludes that while a "hard" power transition is ongoing, China's preferred narrative has yet to become widely accepted and...

  • 20.
    Weissmann, Mikael
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan, Militärvetenskapliga institutionen (MVI), Taktikavdelningen (TA), Marksektionen (Mark). The Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Rappe, Elin
    The Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Sweden’s approach to China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Still a glass half-empty2017Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2013 China’s President Xi Jinping launched the “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) initiative, later renamed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which involves China undertaking to make infrastructure investments worth billions of US dollars in the countries along the old Silk Road connecting China with Europe. While commonly seen as an infrastructure initiative aimed at strengthening the Chinese economy, it is also a political project with far-reaching strategic aims.

    This UI Brief outlines how China has approached the BRI with Sweden, how Sweden has responded and the perceptions of major Swedish stakeholders. It finds that Swedish officials are often highly cautious, maintaining a wait-and see policy. While also cautious, members of the business community are cautiously optimistic and have been more actively following BRI-related developments, seeking out avenues for potential business. The actual impact of BRI in Sweden, however, is so far very limited.

    The Brief concludes that Sweden’s approach to BRI has been too reactive and too passive. It argues that both the government and the business community need to engage more actively with the BRI in order to maximize its possible benefits. To this end, a national strategy is needed that includes the government and the business sector. Better coordination is also needed between government agencies and to link existing intra-governmental cooperation with the business community. Their importance cannot be overemphasized as the BRI is a political project, not an idealistic free-market endeavour.

  • 21.
    Öfverholm, Ragnar
    Försvarshögskolan.
    Svensk Underrättelsetjänst inom COIN2013Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (yrkesexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Uppsatsens syfte är att titta på hur det svenska underrättelsereglementet från 2010 förhåller sig till kontemporära COIN teorier i en internationell miljö. Sverige saknar en egen COIN doktrin och nyttjar idag den amerikanska doktrinen FM 3-24 samtidigt som ett arbete sker för att anpassa reglementen mot NATO doktriner för ökad interoperabilitet. Undersölningen jämför därför FM UndR med underrättelsedoktriner samt COIN doktriner från USA och NATO. Uppsatsen utgår från David Kilcullens COIN teorier för underrättelsetjänst vilka operationaliserats i ett analysverktyg som anlagts på empirin.

    Resultatet av undersökningen visar att det svenska underrättelsereglementet har stora brister kopplat till det perspektiv som förespråkas inom COIN-sfären. Trots detta finns stora likheter till både amerikanska så väl som NATO doktrinerna 2.0 vilka rör underrättelsetjänst. Med detta som bakgrund kan slutsatsen dras att FM UndR utgör en tillräcklig grund för att svensk underrättelse personal ska kunna tillgodogöra sig av både amerikanska och NATO COIN doktrinerna.

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